A leader no one has seen: The unusual debut of Mojtaba Khamenei

Rather than confronting the official narrative head-on, many posts mocked the opaque and unusual circumstances of Mojtaba’s rise – especially the emergence of a leader who, for many Iranians, remains almost entirely unseen.

The jokes fall broadly into several recurring themes.

‘A leader no one has seen'

Many jokes focus on Mojtaba Khamenei’s near-total absence from public life.

Unlike most senior political figures, Mojtaba has rarely appeared in speeches or interviews, and only a handful of recordings of his voice are publicly known.

Some users turned this into a technological joke. One widely shared post said:

“There isn’t even enough audio of Mojtaba Khamenei for AI to train on to make a fake voice of him.”

Others simply pointed to the unusual situation more directly.

“We are entering the second day of Mojtaba Khamenei's leadership, and still nobody has seen him.”

Several posts framed the absence through humor about remote work – a concept familiar to many younger Iranian users.

“If you like working remotely, the best job is Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. Nobody asks where you are, what you’re doing, or even whether you’re alive.”

Another post used religious imagery to exaggerate the idea that he has remained invisible.

“We’re in a situation where the appearance of Mahdi is more likely than the appearance of Mojtaba.”

Mahdi – the messianic figure awaited in Shiite Islam – frequently appears in Iranian satire as a way of describing events considered extremely unlikely.

Another viral joke suggested Mojtaba’s leadership was almost abstract.

“In the phrase ‘Mojtaba’s leadership,’ the literary device being used is personification.”

The remark plays on a Persian rhetorical term used in literature classes, implying that leadership is being attributed to something that has not visibly acted.

'The only known quote'

Another recurring joke centers on how little Mojtaba Khamenei has publicly said.

One of the few widely circulated videos attributed to him shows him announcing that his religious classes would be canceled.

That short clip has now become a punchline.

One post summarized the situation: “The only existing quote from Imam Mojtaba Khamenei: ‘Next week there will be no class.’”

The post was accompanied by a parody image styled like the decorative wall murals commonly seen on schools and public buildings in Iran, where passages from religious figures and political leaders are often painted alongside floral designs.

In the satirical version circulating online, however, the wall bears only the mundane line about next week’s class being canceled – recasting an ordinary notice as the supposedly defining quotation of a newly appointed Supreme Leader.

Other jokes focused on Mojtaba’s lack of a public résumé. One post mocked the situation using corporate language:

“You don’t have a résumé, you want to work remotely, you got the job through connections – and you don’t even have a photo for your CV so they have to generate one with AI.”

Another user suggested that even performing a simple task could count as experience.

“At least bury your father so you can have one executive job on your résumé.”

‘Schrödinger’s Khamenei’

A darker strand of satire reflects the uncertainty and speculation that often accompany major political events in Iran.

Some jokes played with the idea that Mojtaba’s status remains ambiguous because he has not appeared publicly.

One widely shared post referenced the famous physics thought experiment known as Schrödinger’s cat:

“I think instead of Schrödinger’s cat we’re dealing with Schrödinger’s Khamenei. Until they show him, we don’t know whether he’s alive or dead.”

Some posts jokingly suggested that naming Mojtaba as leader could solve several political problems at once.

“Announcing Mojtaba as leader was actually smart. You can’t kill someone who’s already dead.”

Another post used similarly blunt humor:

“You know what’s better than one dead Khamenei? Two dead Khameneis.”

Other jokes focused on the strange overlap between the funeral of the late leader and the introduction of the new one. One user wrote sarcastically:

“Right now the Islamic Republic has two leaders on earth – one they won’t bury and another they won’t reveal.”

Even the burial itself became a subject of dark humor.

“The only reason they haven’t buried Khamenei yet is to save funeral costs – they’re waiting a few days to bury Mojtaba too.”

Inside Iran, political figures who disappeared from public view after the February 28 strike are gradually re-emerging through statements congratulating him on his elevation to leadership.

Among them are Mohammad Mohammadi Golpayegani, the former leader’s chief of staff, and Asghar Mirhejazi, his powerful security chief, who issued a rare joint message despite earlier reports that Mirhejazi had been killed in the attack.

Former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, also rumored to have died in a strike on his home, released a similar message.

These congratulatory notes appeared during one of the most solemn Shiite mourning periods, commemorating Imam Ali. At the same time, part of the country is mourning the former leader, while Mojtaba himself is grieving the loss of close family members.

State officials, including President Masoud Pezeshkian, Majles Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and security chief Ali Larijani, have recently appeared in simple, Zelensky-style military uniforms without insignia. All three have pledged allegiance to Mojtaba.

Social media has filled with dark humor about Ali Khamenei’s death and Mojtaba’s life expectancy.

More serious posts include the resurfacing of an old video circulated widely on X, reportedly with IRGC encouragement, in which reformist politician Faezeh Hashemi says she would prefer Mojtaba to the “fanatic elderly candidates” for leadership. Like others, she suggested he might introduce reforms.

Mojtaba’s record since 2005, however—particularly during elections and protest crackdowns—offers little evidence of reformist tendencies. Many analysts warn that Iran may become even more radicalized under his rule, noting his long-standing ties to vigilante groups involved in suppressing dissent.

Debate over hereditary succession has intensified. Critics argue that dynastic leadership contradicts the Islamic Republic’s founding principles. Others counter that hereditary succession mirrors the lineage of the Twelve Imams.

Members of the first group note that Khomeini’s son Ahmad was never allowed to inherit power—an argument echoed implicitly by some of Khomeini’s descendants, including his great-grandson Ali, on X.

Former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaei and former state TV chief and tourism minister Ezzatollah Zarghami have both said they have been close friends of Mojtaba for years, describing him as “modest” and “simple.”

Rezaei, who appeared frequently on state television after Khamenei’s death, has promised to share more about Mojtaba in the coming days.

State TV’s IRINN channel has twice acknowledged that Mojtaba’s leadership faced serious resistance within the Assembly of Experts. In an unusual live broadcast comment, one analyst even suggested opposition to Mojtaba might emerge from within his own support base.

Some media outlets, including Khabar Online, cautiously suggested this week that Mojtaba’s rise could signal a more prolonged and unpredictable phase of conflict, reflecting broader uncertainty inside Iran’s political establishment over the direction his leadership may take.

A Guards spokesman, responding to Trump, said Washington was lying about conditions in the region and warned that Iran would not allow “one liter of oil” to be exported by hostile states and their partners.

The threat came after Trump warned Tehran against disrupting tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most critical oil shipping chokepoint, and said the conflict was moving ahead of schedule.

Trump said the United States would strike Iran “much harder” if it tried to stop oil shipments through Hormuz. He also predicted the war could end before the four-week timeline he had previously outlined.

His remarks helped calm markets after a wild trading session in which Brent surged to as high as $118-$119 a barrel – the highest level since 2022 – before retreating sharply as investors bet Washington may try to contain the economic fallout.

The sharp swings show how the war has thrust the Strait of Hormuz to the center of global energy markets.

Global economic ripple effects

The narrow waterway off Iran’s coast normally carries about a fifth of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas supplies, but tanker traffic has been severely disrupted for more than a week, forcing Persian Gulf producers to cut output and raising fears of a major supply shock.

Saudi Arabia has reduced production by between 2 million and 2.5 million barrels per day, according to a Bloomberg report, while Iraq has cut output by about 2.9 million barrels per day. The United Arab Emirates has lowered production by up to 800,000 barrels per day and Kuwait by about 500,000 barrels per day.

Saudi Aramco warned on Tuesday that continued disruption to shipping through Hormuz could have “catastrophic consequences” for global oil markets.

The strait is also crucial for natural gas exports. Qatar alone ships roughly 20% of the world’s liquefied natural gas through the corridor, meaning any prolonged closure could affect energy markets far beyond oil.

Rising fuel costs are already feeding fears of renewed inflation worldwide, with analysts warning that sustained oil prices above $100 per barrel could push US gasoline prices toward $4 per gallon and raise costs for air travel, manufacturing and food.

The White House is weighing several options to contain the economic fallout, including releasing strategic oil reserves, easing sanctions on Russian crude and coordinating with allies to stabilize global supply.

The Group of Seven has said it stands ready to take steps to support energy markets, including possible stockpile releases if disruptions continue.

Much of that privileged access is believed to operate through so-called “white SIM cards” – mobile lines exempt from Iran’s filtering system that allow direct access to blocked platforms such as X, Telegram and Instagram.

Spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani did not directly refer to those SIM cards but spoke about the government-imposed national internet blackout, saying Tehran is instead offering connectivity to “those who can better deliver the message.”

According to internet monitoring group NetBlocks, the Iranian government has been promoting its agenda through whitelisted online services while the public remains in a digital blackout

“The regime continues to promote its agenda through whitelisted networks, cultivating media assets at home and abroad,” NetBlocks said on Friday, six days into the latest round of nationwide internet shutdown.

This is while President Masoud Pezeshkian vowed in early December to deactivate the so-called “white SIM cards” that grant unfiltered access to a circle of state-linked users.

“We have instructed that these white internet lines be turned black as well, to show what will happen to people if this blackness continues,” he said.

Pezeshkian has repeatedly promised to lift filtering, a key pledge of his 2024 presidential campaign.

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  New X location feature fuels dispute over unequal internet access in Iran

Meanwhile, Iran’s nationwide internet shutdown has continued for more than 240 hours, marking one of the most severe government-imposed nationwide blackouts ever recorded globally and the second longest in the country’s history after the January protests, according to NetBlocks.

The group said on Tuesday that Iran has now spent roughly a third of the year 2026 offline.

According to the internet monitoring group NetBlocks, ordinary users’ access to the global internet inside Iran remains at roughly one percent, effectively isolating most citizens from international platforms.

The blackout — the third nationwide shutdown since the 12-day war in June — has severely limited the flow of information and made it nearly impossible for citizens to receive warnings about potential attacks or communicate with relatives.

Many Iranians who manage intermittent access through virtual private networks (VPNs) say the wartime blackout has deepened anxiety and isolation.

Several users have described the shutdown as comparable to a war crime because it disrupts civilian communication and limits access to critical information during attacks.

‘War crime’

One user wrote on X: “If a government deliberately cuts communications while providing no warning or protection mechanisms for civilians, and this leads to widespread harm, it could be examined as a serious violation of international obligations and in some circumstances even a war crime.”

Critics say authorities have not introduced any nationwide warning system to protect civilians from airstrikes. One user wrote that what they expected from government SMS alerts was “to tell me to take shelter because they’re bombing the street next to me—not to report the price of oil.”

Iranian newspaper Shargh highlighted the psychological toll in an article titled “The Sound of Bombs, the Silence of the Internet: The Iranian Psyche in Crisis.”

The paper wrote: “Restrictions on internet access and the circulation of incomplete information have made the true picture of the crisis more complex. Every rumor, every partial analysis and every tense environment erodes the collective psyche and intensifies the sense of insecurity.”

“When people face only the sound of fighter jets in silence and with limited information, the psychological impact of this crisis can be as significant as the physical destruction,” the article added.

Privileged access

Beyond the immediate risks, the shutdown has also inflicted economic damage, forcing many online businesses, freelancers and digital services to halt operations.

Heavy signal jamming has also made Persian-language satellite television channels difficult or impossible to receive in many areas. Without access to often costly VPNs, which only a minority can afford, state television has effectively become the primary source of information for many Iranians during wartime.

Government institutions and state-affiliated media have been sending mass text messages warning that those who access international internet services could face legal consequences, while also distributing official narratives and government-approved news.

Despite the restrictions on the general population, critics say some government figures—including Mohammad Marandi, who continues posting online and giving interviews to international media—retain unrestricted access.

Diaspora activist Azadeh Davachi wrote: “They cut the internet for the people while they themselves sit online tweeting and threatening the public. If you really care about the people, at least restore the internet.”

Calls for help

For millions of Iranians abroad, the blackout has meant losing nearly all contact with relatives inside the country. Many say they have had no news from family members since the war began.

International phone calls are also heavily restricted, often working only from inside Iran to outside and frequently dropping in less than a minute.

For diaspora communities already anxiously following the conflict, the prolonged silence has only deepened fears for loved ones inside Iran.

The prolonged shutdown has prompted calls from activists abroad for emergency connectivity solutions. Some diaspora campaigners have launched an online appeal using the hashtag DirectToCellForIran, urging Elon Musk to activate Starlink’s Direct-to-Cell service so mobile phones could connect directly to satellite internet.

One activist wrote: “We urge you to activate Starlink Direct-to-Cell in Iran, even on a trial or testing basis. This could be a vital solution for internet connectivity.”