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TEHRAN INSIDER

Forbidden but flowing: alcohol slips quietly into public life in Iran

Tehran Insider
Tehran Insider

Firsthand reports from contributors inside Iran

Jul 27, 2025, 21:45 GMT+1Updated: 05:55 GMT+0

Buying, selling, and drinking alcohol in Iran is illegal and still risky. But over the years, something has shifted. Whispers spread: some restaurants let customers bring their own drinks. Then, a few began serving alcohol under code names.

In the days after the ceasefire between Iran and Israel, a friend invited me to a café in Tehran that served beer—to toast, quietly and discreetly, the temporary end of the war.

Alcohol—in all its glorious manifestations—is illegal in Iran.

Possession, production or consumption can lead to lashes, prison, or worse. I know people who’ve been jailed and whipped for drinking. Repeat offenses can even carry the death penalty.

You’ve probably seen the footage from 1979: bottles smashed, bars destroyed, liquor shops ransacked. Alcohol was among the first things banned after the revolution.

But resistance emerged just as quickly. People began brewing at home, drinking at private gatherings, and soon, bootleggers (saaghis) entered the scene.

Everything operated in the shadows. You needed someone to vouch for you before a saaghi would respond. Some even brought a woman or child to make deliveries and avoid suspicion.

Fighting for normalcy

Buying and selling alcohol remains risky. But over the years, something has shifted. Whispers spread: some restaurants let customers bring their own drinks. Then, a few began serving alcohol—beer, even hard liquor—under code names.

I remember a beach café in northern Iran where a friend’s father ordered a drink, and it arrived in a teapot. Prices in such places were several times higher than what a saaghi would charge—an expensive luxury for those willing to pay.

These stories, told with a mix of disbelief and delight, hinted at a fragile but growing defiance—more personal than political, but nonetheless contributing to the erosion of state authority. And all of it unfolds while Iran lurches from war scare to daily shortages—power, water, gas, inflation—yet people keep finding ways to live.

Some people I know have started brewing their own beer and wine, selling only to trusted clients.

Where once reused water bottles or non-alcoholic beer containers disguised the contents, now the products come in elegant bottles with custom-designed labels and clever brand names.

“It’s a response to years of longing,” my friend Saeed says.

“We wanted to drink respectfully and freely, like people anywhere else in the world—not like citizens whose government decides even their food and drink. Not in fear, not in shame, not in secrecy.”

Don’t clink!

Another friend, Babak, brews beer on the side. He sees it as an act of civil resistance.“I’ve learned that freedom isn’t something you ask for—it’s something you live,” he says.

In the café, my friend gave me a few ground rules before we ordered: don’t clink glasses, don’t approach the waiters—let them come to you.When one did, he told us we could order stronger liquor too, but if anyone suspicious showed up, service would stop.

Most tables had the same opaque glasses, supposedly filled with “non-alcoholic” beer. Prices were surprisingly fair—it didn’t feel exploitative.

It was a new kind of experience, unlike anything I’d known before in Iran. But it’s no longer an isolated incident—it’s part of a quiet, growing rebellion.

Alcoholic drinks confiscated and displayed by Iran's Public Safety Police
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Alcoholic drinks confiscated and displayed by Iran's Public Safety Police

Unnecessary jeopardy

Even Fars News—an outlet run by the Revolutionary Guards—reported on the phenomenon a few weeks ago.

“Field investigations by Fars reporters show that in luxury restaurants, a ‘secret menu’ is only revealed to select customers—either verbally or via WhatsApp with coded language,” the outlet reported, calling for stricter enforcement.

But such calls ignore the elephant in the room: if it hasn’t worked for nearly half a century, it’s unlikely to work now.

And there’s the darker side of the story.

Underground, substandard production blinds and kills hundreds each year. More than 200 died from alcohol poisoning in the first five months of last year alone, according to health officials.

Like so many bans in Iran, the prohibition on alcohol hasn’t suppressed the desire—it’s only made it more dangerous, more defiant and more alive.

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Sacred fire still burns as many Zoroastrians quit Iran for America

Jul 26, 2025, 17:10 GMT+1
•
Niloufar Rostami

A small fire is lit at dawn and quenched at dusk at the Zoroastrian center in Orange County, California in imitation of sacred fires in worshippers' home temples of Yazd and Tehran which have burned uninterrupted for centuries.

In recent years, Iran’s Zoroastrian community has been leaving in greater numbers, with the United States becoming the primary destination.

The latest census in 2016 indicated nearly 20,000 Zoroastrians, despite legal restrictions, strive to keep the tradition of the “sacred fire” alive in their homeland.

The tradition faces new challenges in the United States. Maintaining an eternal flame is no easy task. A shortage of mobads or Zoroastrian clerics, combined with the high cost of building fire temples, has led many to settle for small, gas-lit flames.

“We only light the fire during hours when we’re present at the center. There’s no other choice. We adapt to time and place,” said mobad Ashkan Bastani, grandson of Iran’s last High Mobad, who has lived in Orange County for over 20 years.

Iran’s Zoroastrian community, a small minority, faces profound challenges after migration, not only the loss of homeland but also of roots and rituals.

Migration was not our choice

Following the 1979 revolution in Iran, the confiscation of Zoroastrian-owned property and businesses, along with the imposition of Islamic laws governing all aspects of public life, triggered a wave of migration.

“My grandfather would look over his shoulder every few steps in Yazd. He was afraid of shadows,” recalled one Zoroastrian. “At age ten, he accidentally stepped onto a Muslim neighbor’s farmland and was punished by having his feet tied to stocks.”

Later in his 40s, he was attacked from behind at a pistachio market because, according to some Muslims, the presence of a gabr (a pejorative term for Zoroastrians) would bring bad luck to the bazaar.

Since the Islamic Republic’s founding, officially declaring one’s religion became mandatory, not just in the census but for routine processes like banking, school enrollment, insurance and job applications.

The consequences of this requirement have gone far beyond statistics; a single answer could either open doors or close them entirely, curbing the ambitions of minorities.

Until the late 1990s, Zoroastrian migration was largely individual or family-based. Since then, with help from NGOs like the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS), migration became more organized.

By 2017, in the early days of President Donald Trump's first term, hundreds of Iranian Zoroastrians had emigrated to the United States

In 2024, amid fears which soon materialized of Trump again barring travel from Iran, various minorities in partnership with HIAS saw another wave of Zoroastrians managing to migrate to the United States.

Population decline, low birthrates

According to Iran’s 1996 census, the Zoroastrian population stood at nearly 28,000. By 2006, it had dropped to 19,823. The 2016 census recorded 23,109 Zoroastrians in Iran.

“Many Muslims interested in Zoroastrianism claim to be Zoroastrians during the national census,” said a former member of the Tehran Zoroastrian Association on condition of anonymity.

“Meanwhile, official Zoroastrian leaders avoid stating the real numbers out of fear of government backlash. They want to appear large perhaps as a show of strength but we know our true numbers are far fewer,” he said.

“Zoroastrian families in Iran are reluctant to have children, which is common with the rest of population in Iran due to economic hardship and destitute. But our migrants abroad aren’t facing such issues and are willing to grow their families,” he added.

The Didban news website cited Kourosh Niknam, a mobad and former lawmaker, as saying Iran's Zoroastrian population had halved over the past three decades amid migration and low birth rates.

Zoroastrians in the United States

There are no official numbers for the Zoroastrian population in the US. The World Zoroastrian Federation estimates the number between 10,000 and 15,000, while the North American Zoroastrian Association puts it closer to 20,000, including both Iranian Zoroastrians and Indian Parsis.

Parsis, or Parsees, are descendants of Zoroastrians who fled Iran after the Islamic conquest and found refuge in India.

The largest communities in the United States are in California particularly Los Angeles, Orange County, and San Diego with smaller populations in New York and Texas.

Wealthy Zoroastrians have helped establish community centers and temples in these cities, and Parsis have built a fully traditional fire temple in Houston, Texas.

Islands of solitude

Depending on location and population size, many Zoroastrians in the United States may feel isolated from religious and social life. Their faith may only be expressed through ceremonial Nowruz tables or private wedding and funeral rituals.

“Since I arrived here, I haven’t attended a single Zoroastrian ceremony. I don’t think there’s another Zoroastrian in this state. I miss our small gatherings in Iran,” said Anahita, a Zoroastrian living in Nebraska.

But mobad Ashkan Bastani in California strives to keep the faith alive.

“At the Orange County Zoroastrian Center, we hold religious education classes for children and celebrate all the festivals and traditions. Everyone is welcome, regardless of religion,” he said.

“At some of our well-known festivals like Mehregan and Sadeh, many Muslims also attend, enjoy our food, and dance with us,” Bastani added.

The shadows

While there have been improvements in how Zoroastrians are perceived in Iran, many still struggle to move past the fear and marginalization.

“Public attitudes have improved. Terms like ‘unclean’ and ‘fire-worshipper’ are rarely heard now,” said one community leader in Iran. “But we’re still stunned by remarks from some officials. We can’t tell if they truly believe what they say or are just asserting control. Some things have changed—but some haven’t.”

The Zoroastrian migration story is not just about relocation. It is a narrative of perseverance, of holding onto identity, tradition, and a sacred flame that has symbolized life and light for centuries, whether in Yazd, California, or the quiet solitude of Nebraska.

Tehran installs loudspeakers in city squares for when internet access is cut

Jul 26, 2025, 10:43 GMT+1

Tehran has begun installing loudspeakers in major city squares to help inform the public during emergencies when authorities cut internet access, a city council member said on Saturday.

“With internet outages during crises, we must use loudspeakers for public alerts,” said Mehdi Babaei, a member of Tehran’s City Council. “A number of these loudspeakers have been installed in main squares and the work is still ongoing.”

Babaei said the system is designed to function both in normal and emergency conditions. “These systems will play the call to prayer during routine times,” he said. “In crises, we need to decide how to use them for public announcements.”

He said mobile networks could also be disrupted during wartime. “In the 12-day war, the communications ministry had to limit internet access at times,” he said. “We may even have to temporarily block mobile phones. So we need different ways to alert people.”

“These systems can play both sirens and voice messages,” he said. “It depends on what city managers or crisis teams decide during emergencies.”

During last month's 12-day war, the Iranian government imposed a widespread internet blackout across the country, cutting off mobile networks and home internet services for millions.

The shutdown left people unable to access information, contact family members, or carry out basic tasks such as banking and navigation.

Monitoring group NetBlocks said it was the most severe connectivity crisis since the November 2019 protests.

A punishing war is due to cast a long shadow over beleaguered Iran

Jul 25, 2025, 20:44 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani

The legacy of a 12-day war with Israel which ended last month will likely be yet more economic hardship, deteriorating living standards and intensifying public distrust.

While the government portrays the conflict as a strategic victory, mounting evidence suggests a society battered, exhausted and increasingly disillusioned.

Daily life has grown more difficult, strained by chronic water and electricity shortages. Yet, despite the hardship, protests remain rare.

Beneath this calm lies a deeper frustration, voiced constantly on social media and in testimonials sent to foreign-based Persian-language broadcasters.

No shelters, no answers

While state media continue to glorify the armed forces and the Supreme Leader, many recall a different reality: missile strikes without bomb shelters, ineffective air defenses and a war waged without public support.

The Supreme Leader’s three-week stay in an underground shelter became a symbol of elite insulation. On the ground, thousands of homes were damaged or destroyed, with casualties still likely unreported.

The government’s support for reconstruction has been slow and unclear, evoking comparisons to Khorramshahr, a focus of combat in the Iran-Iraq war which remains mostly ruined decades after the Iran–Iraq War.

The official refrain that “Israeli homes were also destroyed” has brought little comfort.

A huge plume of smoke rises over Tehran with the iconic Milad Tower in the background, Iran, June 2025
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A huge plume of smoke rises over Tehran with the iconic Milad Tower in the background, Iran, June 2025

Economic disruption, official deflection

At the end of the 12-day war, Iran’s Chamber of Commerce acknowledged the war’s serious impact: disrupted trade, blocked currency repatriation and shaken investor confidence.

“Government-led economics cannot improve the situation,” said Isa Mansouri, head of the Chamber’s Research Center.

The warning echoed the view from Tehran’s bazaar and stock exchange: that even limited geopolitical shocks can derail imports and daily commerce.

Pension delays are another flashpoint.

A July 23 report by state news agency ILNA revealed some retirees were still waiting for April payments. Infrastructure damage in Tehran is extensive—over 3,000 housing units were hit in District 4 alone, with no clear timeline for repairs.

To contain the crisis, authorities quietly declared unofficial “holidays” in Tehran, reducing strain on water and power utilities while avoiding transparency.

President Pezeshkian’s claim on Al Jazeera that Israel bombed water resources to deprive Iranians of access was widely ridiculed and seen as deflecting from decades of internal mismanagement.

War’s reach into private life

A study by academic Momeneh Baseri, "The Iran-Israel War and the Change in Iranians' Lifestyle", published June 21 by Azad University, highlights the war’s broad social effects—even among those far from the front lines.

Drawing on field research and crisis sociology, Baseri identified several trends:

  • A decline in travel despite official campaigns promoting domestic tourism.
  • Widespread stockpiling of food, fuel, and medicine, worsening shortages.
  • Spiking media use, especially of social platforms and foreign-based outlets
  • Fading optimism, with marriage, investment, and emigration all clouded by uncertainty.

Cinemas and concert halls remain empty. In their place: home-based religious rituals, streaming platforms, and a growing culture of isolation.

Three men sitting in the shade of a tree near Tehran's Azadi square, Iran, July 19, 2025
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Three men sitting in the shade of a tree near Tehran's Azadi square, Iran, July 19, 2025

The illusion of normalcy

Even efforts to portray resilience have backfired.

A video recorded and published by moderate daily Ham-Mihan shortly after ceasefire showed quiet Tehran streets and shuttered shops.

Another report by moderate online publication Asr Iran featured returning residents—some relieved, many bracing for more strikes. “It felt good to return,” said one man on camera, “even to an unsafe home.”

Foreign observers confirm the unease.

Deutsche Welle’s Dan Hirschfeld described Tehran as “in a constant state of alert,” with many seeking to leave and economic stress visibly deepening.

Calls for fundamental change

Criticism of the government narrative is mounting.

Sociologist Taqi Azad Armaki, writing in Fararu, called for a transition “from ideological warfare to national reconstruction.”

A urged empowering the sidelined middle class and warned that the war had left Iran helpless and unable to meet basic needs.

More notably, some opposition voices—inside and outside Iran—are now discussing the formation of a “constitutional assembly.”

Though cautiously framed, it marks the clearest sign yet of openness to structural change.

Despite claims of stability, the Islamic Republic may be at its most fragile point since the 1981 bombing that killed over 70 top officials claimed by the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran or MEK.

Then, the system had a charismatic leader in Ruhollah Khomeini and revolutionary zeal. Now, it is led by a solitary, increasingly isolated Supreme Leader with no clear path forward.

Wells of denial: why Iran's water crisis isn't just about drought

Jul 24, 2025, 18:40 GMT+1
•
Dalga Khatinoglu

Officials in Tehran blame drought and public overuse for Iran’s worst water shortage in living memory, but the crisis stems from decades of mismanagement, short-sighted policy and institutional denial.

Iran consumes about 100 billion cubic meters of water each year—more than twice Turkey’s usage, despite similar populations. Around 90% goes to agriculture, 6% to households and the rest to industry.

Per capita household water use is similar to Turkey’s, but Iran recycles only about 20% of wastewater, compared to 85% in Turkey, 95% in the United Arab Emirates and 98% in Germany.

Despite a UN “red warning” 25 years ago, Iran expanded hydropower rather than wastewater treatment.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has built over 60 dams in recent decades. More than half are now empty, with hydropower generation operating at just one-third of its nominal capacity.

Hydropower’s share in Iran’s electricity mix has fallen below 5%. Meanwhile, 80% of untreated wastewater is dumped into rivers, deserts and underground wells, contaminating the very sources Iran increasingly depends on.

Agriculture: high consumption, low output

The agricultural sector accounts for nearly all of Iran’s water use but contributes just 11% to GDP. Most farming still relies on flood irrigation.

In contrast, Turkey has reduced agriculture’s share of national water use from 75% to under 64%, while doubling the value of its agricultural output, which now stands at $60 billion, 13 times higher than Iran’s.

Perhaps more staggering, Turkey has achieved that using only a third of what Iran uses annually for farming.

Young men pumping water from a pond near the southern town of Karkheh, Iran, July 23, 2025
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Young men pumping water from a pond near the southern town of Karkheh, Iran, July 23, 2025

Overextraction is reducing Iran’s groundwater reserves by 5 billion cubic meters annually. In Turkey, by contrast, aquifer recharge rates exceed extraction by a factor of three.

Drought is real, so is bad policy

Past policies pushing grain self-sufficiency worsened the problem.

In 2014, a deputy agriculture minister dismissed claims that farming consumed over 90% of the country’s water—insisting on continuing the strategy despite mounting environmental costs.

Iran, like many countries in the region, faces rising water stress.

Last year’s rainfall totaled around 400 billion cubic meters, but 70% of it evaporated, compared to a 50% loss in Turkey, which saw 537 billion cubic meters of precipitation.

Official figures show Iran’s dam reserves are just 46% full nationwide, and only 13% in the capital region. Turkey’s dam levels are at 57%, down from 70% a decade ago.

Both countries experience erratic rainfall but Turkey’s investments in water recycling, storage and irrigation have helped stabilize its system. Iran’s have not.

Iran’s water crisis isn’t simply the result of climate stress. It’s the consequence of institutional neglect, poorly prioritized infrastructure, and refusal to heed decades of expert warnings.

While others adapted, Iran doubled down on wasteful practices and political denial. The result: a deepening crisis, no longer possible to blame on nature alone.

'A big prison with no water or power': fed up Iranians rue outages

Jul 23, 2025, 07:43 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee

Iranians are speaking out with increasing urgency over chronic water and electricity outages that upend daily life and fuel fury at the government.

With temperatures topping 40°C in Tehran and nearing 50°C in the south, many now face all-day water cuts—or near zero pressure—and frequent power failures.

Dozens shared their experiences with Iran International, highlighting the scale of the crisis and its toll nationwide.

“This is a big prison called Iran that has neither water nor electricity,” said a woman from Fardis, a suburb of Karaj.

“Water outage again… People have reached the breaking point. Do something before it’s too late, you irresponsible officials!” another woman pleaded.

A man in Tabriz sent footage of a kitchen sink filled with unwashed dishes. “There has been no water for 12 hours,” he said, ending his message with: “Death to the Islamic Republic, death to Khamenei.”

Even Gilan—a lush, northern province with over 1.2 meters of rainfall—has seen outages, challenging claims that drought alone is to blame.

No water, no power

Low pressure is compounding the crisis. In many buildings, only the lower floors receive water—barely.

Some residents install private pumps to reach upper floors, but these depend on electricity, which is also being cut.

“The lower floors have low-pressure water, but the upper floors, even with a pump, have none,” wrote journalist Maryam Shokrani on X.

A refrigerator technician in Tehran said he hadn’t been able to test appliances for over a week. “There’s either no electricity or no water to check if the cold water and icemaker work,” he said.

Small businesses without backup systems are especially affected.

Tanker distributing water in Tehran
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Tanker distributing water in Tehran

More than a drought

Officials blame the crisis on “unprecedented drought.” Iran is in its second-driest year in five decades, with rainfall down 43% from last year. Key dams, especially those feeding Tehran, are critically low.

Government data shows 24 of 31 provinces are under “water stress,” including major cities like Tehran, Mashhad, Tabriz, and Isfahan.

In response, the government shut down or shortened hours at offices and banks in several provinces on Wednesday, citing peak demand. Spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani said closures may continue.

Visions gone dry

Experts say the real roots lie in chronic mismanagement, flawed policy, and decades of unsustainable water use in agriculture and industry.

Since 2000, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has called for population growth and food self-sufficiency in crops like wheat and rice—both highly water-intensive. In a 2021 speech, he reiterated that producing wheat, corn, and barley domestically was “both necessary and achievable.”

Experts argue these goals have worsened shortages, particularly in arid regions.

In Yazd, among Iran’s driest cities, officials have permitted sturgeon farming—a water-heavy industry—to produce caviar for export. The city has also grown rapidly due to industrial expansion.

Now, Yazd is locked in disputes with Isfahan over scarce water, highlighting how poor national coordination is fueling provincial rivalries. Both cities are major industrial hubs, making the stakes especially high.