Post-war explosions, smoke plumes addle Iranians

Located in the Zagros Mountains, the Khorramabad Valley was inscribed as Iran’s 29th World Heritage site on July 10, during the 47th session of the UNESCO World Heritage Committee held in Paris.

Human presence in the valley dates back 63,000 years. The site is described as a key piece of the puzzle in understanding early human evolution and the migration from Africa to Eurasia.

Much of the area remains unexplored, offering potential for future archaeological excavations and discoveries.

Khorramabad Valley is located in Lorestan Province, which boasts over 5,000 historical sites—more than 2,600 of which are nationally registered in Iran.

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Fereydoun Biglari, head of the Paleolithic Department at Iran’s National Museum who led excavations at one of the caves underscored the historical importance of the sights, according to remarks cited by Archaeology News magazine.

“All five sites yield strong evidence for Neanderthal occupation and offer valuable insight into their material culture, subsistence strategies, and interactions with early Homo sapiens who migrated to the Zagros around 45,000 years ago,” Biglari said.

Khorramabad was also one of the major cities in western Iran during the Sassanid era. The Falak-ol-Aflak Castle, also known as Shapurkhast Fortress, is a surviving monument from that period and serves as a symbol of the city. The city also served as a capital for the Hazaraspid and Al-e Hasanuyah dynasties.

Iranian Minister of Cultural Heritage, Tourism, and Handicrafts also provided an update on the status of Falak-ol-Aflak Castle, saying it is on track to be added to the UNESCO list.

“The UNESCO resolution also referenced the status of Falak-ol-Aflak Castle. The deficiencies previously identified by international experts are being addressed, and with the necessary requirements being met, this prominent fortress is expected to be included alongside the Khorramabad Valley and inscribed as a World Heritage site in next year’s session,” said Reza Salehi Amiri in an interview with state TV on July 10.

The last addition to Iran's World Heritage List came in 2023, when the country’s caravanserais were inscribed.

More than 30 lawmakers have called for his dismissal, signaling a deepening power struggle masked only briefly by calls for post-war unity.

Hardliners accuse relative moderate Pezeshkian of overstepping his authority and plotting to steer the Islamic Republic toward normalization with Israel, without citing any evidence.

“The Pezeshkian administration will end the Islamic Revolution before the conclusion of his term,” MP and former ambassador Abolfazl Zohrevand said in a video that has gone viral.

“They believe that by ending the revolution and terminating Khamenei’s rule, they can begin a new era and join the Abraham Accords,” he added.

When asked if this amounted to a coup, Zohrevand replied, “What else could this be if not a coup d’état?”

While such rhetoric may appear extreme, it reflects a broader anxiety in Tehran about the future of the theocracy post-Khamenei—a question brought to the fore by his unprecedented absence from public life during and after Israeli strikes on Iran.

Presidential pushback

Pezeshkian himself has alluded to the infighting.

“We are not allowed to impose our views on others,” he told staff on July 13 according to an official readout. “Those who oppose us are not necessarily our enemies … We should not favor insiders over outsiders through coercion.”

A close adviser to Khamenei also addressed the clash—notably disapproving of the growing pressure on Pezeshkian.

“(Some) groups of Iranian politicians and political organizations are attempting to challenge the President’s political competence,” news outlet Asr-e Iran quoted Mohammad Mokhber as saying. “(It’s) a wrong move.”

Reformists sound the alarm

Some reformist voices now warn that what is unfolding is not post-war unity but dangerous fragmentation.

“The dust has not settled after the explosions, yet the sound of polarization is louder than the missile blasts,” former government spokesman Ali Rabiei wrote in Etemad Daily on July 10. “Let’s prevent societal fragmentation—this is precisely what the aggressors want.”

Nuclear scientist and ex-MP Ahmad Shirzad echoed the warning, calling for a more inclusive approach that would reconcile a largely alienated population.

“We need to return to the people and secure their partnership in governance. They must be able to see the government as their own,” Shirzad wrote in the reformist daily Arman Melli.

Calls for “national reconciliation” now function less as policy proposals than as signals of alarm: the war may have ended, but the political reckoning has only begun.

“The government must not dismiss societal demands,” Reform Front spokesperson Javad Emam said.

“It should release all political prisoners, invite political participation, and declare a general amnesty to facilitate the return of Iranian expatriates.”

As someone who lived through the Iran-Iraq War and now works as a trauma-informed grief and anxiety counselor, I’ve felt both sides of this reality—the trauma of conflict and the quiet torment of safety, watching loved ones suffer from a distance.

For many Iranians in the diaspora, the images flooding our screens—of women removing their hijabs, of protesters facing violence, of families torn apart—rekindle our own memories of fear and loss.

If you’ve fled to safety and now witness the struggle through your screen, know this: your pain is real, your feelings valid. You are not alone.

The surreal reality of distance

There’s something disorienting about watching your homeland’s suffering while living in freedom. You might scroll through news obsessively, heart racing with each update.

Drinking your morning coffee while reading about another protester’s death or celebrating your child’s milestones while Iranian children face fear can create a jarring emotional split.

You may feel guilty for the freedoms you now enjoy, relive past traumas or find yourself emotionally transported back to earlier moments of fear and helplessness.

For many, simply navigating daily life while carrying the emotional weight of a distant crisis can be overwhelming.

Understanding diaspora trauma

The trauma felt in exile is layered and often misunderstood. Relief and guilt coexist—grateful to be safe, yet emotionally anchored to a country still suffering.

This survivor’s guilt is hard to shake when the crisis back home hasn’t ended.

Photos of crackdowns, arrests, or even the Iranian flag may evoke grief. Persian news broadcasts, protest chants or traditional music can trigger memories of fear or loss.

Well-meaning comments like “at least you’re safe” may feel dismissive and isolating. And the challenge of reconciling your identity with how Iran is portrayed in the media can deepen the sense of disconnection.

Survivor’s guilt, silent shame

You may wonder why you deserve freedom when others don’t. Everyday joys—walking outside unveiled, speaking freely, or laughing aloud—can feel laced with shame.

The belief that you’re not doing “enough” to help those still struggling can intensify that guilt. The privilege of safety and agency, once hard-won, may suddenly feel too heavy to carry.

Even in safety, your body may react as if under threat.

This is secondary trauma—when witnessing violence affecting your community triggers real psychological responses: flashbacks, insomnia, numbness, anxiety.

Your body is trying to stay connected to those you’ve left behind, even if it can’t protect them.

Grounding in the present

When emotions become overwhelming, grounding techniques can help return you to the present moment.

One simple method is the 5-4-3-2-1 sensory technique, which gently anchors you through what you can see, touch, hear, smell, and taste:

Five things you can see: A window, a tree, a book, a rug, etc. 4 things you can touch: Clothing, floor, cup, chair. 3 things you can hear: Birds, traffic, your breath. 2 things you can smell: Tea, candle, your shirt. 1 thing you can taste: Water, gum, tea.

It’s especially helpful when anxiety or distress feel like too much to bear. Each sensory cue offers a small reminder: you are here, and you are safe.

Breath and affirmation

Another powerful tool for managing intense emotion is breathwork paired with gentle affirmations.

Begin by placing a hand on your chest or belly. Inhale slowly through your nose to a count of four, pause for a moment, then exhale gently through your mouth for a count of six. Let your breath settle into a rhythm.

As you breathe, repeat calming words to yourself: I am here. I am safe. This is now. You might remind yourself, My freedom honors those still fighting, or My survival is not betrayal—it is resilience.

These affirmations are not meant to erase the pain, but to acknowledge it—and to help you stay rooted in your reality. You carry Iran in your heart.

You can grieve and still build a meaningful life. Breath by breath, you remind your nervous system that you are allowed to heal.

Healing together

Living between two worlds can be confusing and lonely—but healing doesn’t mean letting go of who you are. Both identities can coexist.

Making Persian food while playing Googoosh or Dariush, dancing along with pop videos, or wearing a necklace from home can be quiet acts of memory and resilience. They allow you to choose when to share your story and when to simply carry it.

And in that space, both sorrow and joy can safely exist together.

The light that enters

Survivor’s guilt is the shadow of resilience—proof that you care deeply. It’s a heavy ache, a reminder that freedom comes at a cost. But when you name that grief, you create space for compassion, purpose, and solidarity.

As Rumi wrote: “The wound is the place where the light enters you.”

Let that wound become your strength. You are not broken. You are connected. And you are allowed to move forward—carrying Iran with you as you do.

“The Islamic Republic does not trust the ceasefire,” Aziz Nasirzadeh said in a phone call with Turkey’s defense minister Yasar Guler on Monday, according to the state-run IRNA news. “We have therefore anticipated various scenarios for any new adventurism.”

“We are not seeking to expand war and insecurity in the region, but we are ready to give a firm and regret-inducing response to any act of aggression,” he added.

Nasirzadeh also criticized the timing of the strikes, saying, “The attack on Iran took place during negotiations. We have proven to the world that we are not opposed to dialogue and negotiation.”

On June 13, Israel launched a large-scale surprise air campaign against Iran, striking multiple nuclear and military sites as part of the opening phase of what became a 12‑day conflict.

Hundreds of Iranian civilians were killed in the Israeli airstrikes. Iranian missile attacks also killed 27 Israeli civilians.

Following the Israeli strikes, Iran–US nuclear talks scheduled for June 15 in Muscat were called off.

The United States joined the offensive on June 22 with its own strikes—dubbed Operation Midnight Hammer—involving B‑2 bombers and Tomahawk cruise missiles targeting Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan.

A ceasefire came into effect on June 24, brokered by US President Donald, marking the end of the fighting. While the ceasefire ended the air war, its long-term viability remains in doubt.

Last month, Iran’s reformist daily Shargh described the ceasefire as legally fragile and unpredictable.

“The ceasefire is not based on any international legal standards, regulations, or the rules of official global organizations and institutions,” the newspaper wrote.

“In fact, it is a temporary and ambiguous ceasefire, and there can be no serious certainty about its durability.”

Last week, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in an interview that Israel had rolled back Iran's nuclear program but implied the Jewish state had not yet finished its confrontation with the Islamic Republic.

In an op-ed published Monday on Khamenei’s official website, his office issued a rare rejoinder to Israeli officialdom in which it dismissed Gallant's assertions of overwhelming Israeli military and intelligence superiority.

The statement described Gallant's message as part of “a conflict whose primary battlefield is not border zones, but public perception and the realm of awareness.”

Gallant’s letter, dated July 9, highlighted what he described as Israel’s supremacy over Iran which had unraveled the Islamic Republic's long-held strategy.

“What unfolded in June 2025 was not merely a military campaign. It was the strategic collapse of a system you spent four decades constructing,” Gallant wrote, referring to the 12-day Iran-Israel war last month.

Israel launched a series of strikes on June 13 which pounded military and nuclear sites, assassinated senior commanders and killed hundreds of civilians. Iranian missiles killed 27 Israeli civilians.

Gallant warned Khamenei that Israel has full access to Iran’s inner workings, including military planning and high-level decision-making.

“We knew your schedules. Your sites. Your communications. Your conversations with your closest allies — most of whom are no longer with you — in Beirut, Damascus, and Tehran. Your timelines. Your fallback plans. And your blind spots,” he wrote.

The letter also highlighted weaknesses in Iran’s air defenses and warned that any attempt to restore the nuclear program would invite future attacks.

“Abandon your war against a small, determined country a thousand miles from your border," Gallant said, "and focus instead on the welfare and future of your own people.”