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Middle class poverty could spark revolt in Iran, sociologist warns

Behrouz Turani
Behrouz Turani

Iran International

Jan 26, 2025, 08:38 GMT+0Updated: 11:48 GMT+0
A police motorcycle burns during Iran’s 2022 protests sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini, a woman who died after being arrested by the Islamic republic's morality police, Tehran, September 19, 2022.
A police motorcycle burns during Iran’s 2022 protests sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini, a woman who died after being arrested by the Islamic republic's morality police, Tehran, September 19, 2022.

An Iranian sociologist has warned that middle-class citizens pushed below the poverty line by persistently high inflation and forced into the lower class are the most likely to spark a revolt against the ruling system.

Ardeshir Geravand told the Didban Iran website in Tehran, "When legitimate paths to power and wealth remain open, members of the middle class can maintain their status. However, when these avenues are blocked, it can lead to social unrest and, ultimately, revolution."

Iran has endured approximately 40% annual inflation over the past five years, with its currency losing 95% of its value since 2018. This crisis has not only left ordinary workers struggling to afford basic necessities but has also pushed many middle-class citizens into poverty.

"Injustice, special privileges for a well-connected few, bureaucratic obstacles, and the obscure political relations push people toward revolt and violence," Geravand said. He added, "Revolutions begin when legitimate pathways to a normal life are not accessible to everyone."

Using the recent killing of two notorious judges in Tehran as a case study, Geravand argued, "Poverty alone does not necessarily lead to violence unless it is coupled with conditions that make living a normal, ordinary life impossible."

Ardeshir Geravand (file photo)
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Ardeshir Geravand

Didban Iran columnist Parisa Hashemi noted that former President Ebrahim Raisi had pledged to eradicate poverty in Iran by 2021 or 2022, a promise that was clearly unfulfilled. She added that poverty has become deeply entrenched in Iran due to the poor performance of the ruling system, which has pushed millions of Iranians below the official poverty line and left many breadwinners humiliated in front of their families.

Hashemi further remarked, "In recent years, soaring prices have left many Iranian families unable to make ends meet. Faced with this harsh reality, many breadwinners have either abandoned their families or tragically taken their own lives."

Hassan Mousavi Chalak, chairman of the Iranian Social Workers' Association, highlighting a rise in breadwinners abandoning their families due to the economic crisis, warned that some may turn to criminal gangs.

Geravand explained that such individuals may justify turning to violence as a means of restoring justice. However, he emphasized, "Violence arises when a person concludes that changing their circumstances and escaping poverty is impossible."

Addressing the shifting dynamics of Iran's middle class, Geravand observed, "Many who once led affluent lives have now fallen into poverty. When a middle-class individual becomes impoverished, especially if they find no support within society, they may rebel out of sheer frustration."

The ongoing issue of Iran's political and economic deadlock was the focus of a recent debate between reformist political scientist Hatam Ghaderi and conservative philosophy professor Saeed Zibakalam on a YouTube channel not subject to direct censorship.

Professor Zibakalam rejected the notion of a deadlock in Iranian society, arguing that "it is a psychological trait of Iranians to traditionally submit to the conditions imposed by the government and accept their own inferiority." However, he acknowledged that this mindset must change.

Dr. Ghaderi, in contrast, asserted, "We are in a state of political impasse. The government blocks any possibility for change, and if this continues, it will only perpetuate backwardness." He further noted, "The transitions from the Qajar period to the Pahlavi era in 1925 and the 1979 revolution were both outcomes of political deadlock. Today, we are once again facing the same situation."

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Iranian ex-president Khatami sues hardline editor over Soros meeting claim

Jan 25, 2025, 07:58 GMT+0
•
Maryam Sinaiee

Former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami is taking legal action against Hossein Shariatmadari, the editor of Kayhan newspaper, over claims that Khatami conspired with American philanthropist George Soros to instigate a "velvet revolution" in Iran.

Soros, the Hungarian-born Jewish financier and philanthropist, is the frequent target of numerous conspiracy theories.

The lawsuit marks another chapter in the ongoing legal disputes between Khatami and Shariatmadari, with the former alleging slander regarding these accusations.

Over the past 15 years, Shariatmadari has repeated his claims that in 2006, a year after leaving office, Khatami met with Soros twice during a private visit to the United States.

The editor-in-chief has yet to present any evidence to substantiate the alleged meetings, which he and other hardliners consider to be acts of treason and a threat to national security.

Shariatmadari is known to be a staunch ally of the country's Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, who appointed him to the position in 1993.

Shariatmadari insists that Khatami, in collusion with Soros, attempted to engineer a "velvet" or "color revolution" in Iran during the late 2000s. He holds them responsible for the Green Movement protests that erupted after the highly-contested 2009 presidential election. Hardliners, including Kayhan newspaper, have branded Khatami, along with the defeated presidential candidates Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, as the "leaders of the 2009 sedition."

In reaction to the lawsuit, reformist political figure and journalist Ahmad Zeidabadi noted that Khatami should not feel the need to defend himself over the claims.

“I would clearly state if I were Mr. Khatami, that I do not need the permission of the managing editor of Kayhan to meet with international figures, and I do not consider meeting with Mr. Soros to be a criminal or unjustified act to defend myself against it,” Zeidabadi said in a Telegram post Wednesday.

In a previous lawsuit filed by Khatami in 2018, Shariatmadari refused to appear in court during preliminary investigations. According to Khatami's lawyers, the country’s Judiciary, also controlled by Khamenei, later closed the case without explanation.

This time around, Khatami’s legal team has said it would pursue the case diligently and keep the public informed of the proceedings.

Allegations rooted in coerced confessions

Shariatmadari's allegations hinged primarily on the forced confessions of Kian Tajbakhsh, an Iranian-American scholar who worked for Soros's Open Society Foundation in Iran during Khatami's term as president.

During mass show trials organized by the Iranian state in the wake of the Green Movement protests—public spectacles where opposition figures were tried en masse to discredit them and suppress dissent— Tajbakhsh claimed that Khatami and Soros had met in the US, with Javad Zarif, then Iran's ambassador to the UN, also present.

Tajbakhsh later withdrew his statements, asserting they were extracted under coercion by the state's security forces. This was a common experience for many political figures, journalists, and activists put on trial in 2009 — and throughout the history of the Islamic Republic.

Shariatmadari’s controversial role

Shariatmadari's editorials, often seen as reflective of the Supreme Leader's views, frequently spark domestic and international controversy.

Despite Kayhan’s dwindling circulation—reportedly below 10,000, with most subscribers being government entities—it remains influential due to its perceived connection to Khamenei.

Critics argue that Shariatmadari and Kayhan enjoy immunity from prosecution, even though the editor has repeatedly accused political rivals and cultural figures of espionage, corruption, and moral failings.

Double standards in legal prosecution

While many Iranian journalists face harassment, threats, and imprisonment for far less, Shariatmadari has avoided accountability for libel and defamation.

Journalist and human rights activist Mehdi Mahmoudian is set to begin serving an eight-month prison sentence this week for “propaganda against the system.” Mahmoudian was convicted for supporting political prisoner Zia Nabavi, who exposed a severe bedbug infestation in Tehran’s notorious Evin prison in May 2024.

While a court found Nabavi not guilty of libel, Mahmoudian was prosecuted for backing his claims.

The former reformist politician has been arrested over ten times and spent eight years in prison since 2009.

Tehran girls taunt clerical rule with Sambas and hair unveiled

Jan 24, 2025, 19:17 GMT+0
•
Parisa Khoshnami

In northern and central Tehran, certain streets have become buzzing hangouts where the well-off youth gather in trendy cafes to eat, drink, and quietly but glaringly challenge Iran’s rulers with their outfits.

Lined with chic cafes, these streets aren’t just about coffee; they’re unofficial runways where visitors are dressed to impress, turning casual spots into a parade of cutting-edge fashion.

One item, Adidas Samba shoes has emerged as the ultimate statement, a symbol of youth embracing global trends and modern fashion. The iconic sneakers complement the uncovered hair of young women whose appearance is their struggle—it’s been turned into that by their rulers’ incessant encroachment on their lives.

“What we wear, like our Sambas, is a statement,” says Sima, a young fashion journalist I talked to over an encrypted messaging app. The statement? “We know what’s out there, and we’re part of it too,” she adds.

“The government has tried for years to wrap Iranians in ideology and keep them apart from the rest of the world. But it has failed at every turn, and young women today are living proof of it.”

For those frequenting Tehran’s upscale cafes, fashion isn’t just about rebellion; it’s about belonging to a global culture. Wearing Sambas is a subtle yet powerful way to project a freer identity in a society that’s not too fond of individuality. The minimalist design and timeless appeal of Sambas makes it a perfect vehicle for that desire.

No wonder it’s become a craze. Oneat times taken too far.

Samba or out!

Recently, a new restaurant called Pasata caused controversy when some customers alleged they were denied service for not meeting their high fashion standards.

The restaurant—with its innovative twist on pasta and Instagrammable aesthetic—is a magnet for Tehran’s trendsetters. The hype is so intense that long lines form daily outside its doors, with diners eager to taste what some have called “the best pasta ever.”

But things took a strange turn when some customers claimed they waited for hours without being served. Rumors spread that Pasata catered only to the fashionable elite, and one diner even alleged she was turned away for not being stylish enough.

The chatter reached a new level when the young woman took to X to share her experience, creating a social media buzz. Another woman claimed she was only served after donning a pair of Samba sneakers.

Replicas republic

As popular as Sambas are, acquiring them is not easy. Western brands like Adidas are often unavailable due to sanctions and import restrictions.

“Original pairs are really expensive,” Sima, the fashion journalist, says. “There’s even a small black market for it. But most people buy replicas.”

The phenomenon is by no means limited to Sambas, of course.

Replicas are everywhere in Iran, not least because official brand stores are almost non-existent. Real brands are smuggled and sold at exorbitant prices. Even then, you cannot be sure they’re not replicas.

So for Sambas, at least, some turn to innovative local shoemakers who give them the iconic sneakers—or something closely resembling it—at a fraction of the price.

One way or another, you have to have a pair.

“It’s impossible to walk into a café like Lamiz these days and not notice Samba shoes everywhere.” Mina, a 25-year-old architect and self-proclaimed trendspotter, frequents some of Tehran’s hotspots for stylish youth.

Lamiz, a coffeehouse chain often compared to Starbucks for its interior design and urban vibe, has become a favorite gathering spot for young Iranians.

“You can always tell what’s trending by what people are wearing here,” Mina tells me on an encrypted call from the cafe. “Even the baristas are on trend. There are two girls and two guys and they all wear Sambas.”

A quiet revolution in style

While authorities continue to enforce Islamic guidelines, including mandatory head coverings, the reality on the streets tells a different story: a generation expressing individuality, freedom, and a connection to the wider world through their style.

It’s nothing short of revolutionary.

The cafés of Tehran, especially in the affluent neighborhoods like Tajrish, Farmanieh, and Shahrak-e-Gharb, have become vibrant spaces of freedom where young people gather to express themselves—in words and in looks.

Outfits here reflect a fascinating blend of individuality and global influences, with Samba shoes often standing out, paired with everything from minimalist trousers to bold, oversized jackets.

Most striking, however, is the absence of head coverings—a growing trend that gained momentum with the 2022 protests, the Woman, Life, Freedom movement.

The combination of free hair and Sambas is becoming a symbol of resistance and individuality, blending global fashion with a distinctly Iranian narrative of personal and cultural expression.

But resistance is a risky affair.

Young women not wearing headscarves can be harassed by fanatics or the police. Their cars are regularly stopped and towed. Many businesses, including the trendy cafés of northern Tehran, have been shut down by authorities for allowing women to enter without their mandatory hijabs.

Iranian president heckled in poor oil-rich province

Jan 24, 2025, 17:10 GMT+0

Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian was heckled during a visit to oil-rich yet underprivileged Khuzestan Province on Thursday, as residents voiced frustration over rising unemployment and other economic concerns.

A local state TV reporter disrupted the President's speech on Thursday by shouting questions about dire conditions in Khuzestan, according to Rouydad24, a relatively independent news outlet. A crowd quickly joined in, chanting slogans highlighting financial hardships and the province's persistent water and power issues.

Pezeshkian attempted to calm the crowd. "I have come here to listen to you, but you do not allow me to speak."

While he claimed to be ready to hear their concerns, he insisted on continuing his speech. Critics in the media later commented that his remarks sounded more like those of an opposition figure than a responsible state official.

Later in the day, Pezeshkian and one of his vice presidents posed for photos dressed as construction workers while laying bricks for the construction of a school in Khuzestan.

Sazandegi, a pro-government publication praised Pezeshkian’s brick-laying gesture as "beautiful." But independent reporter Azadeh Mokhtari remarked on social media: "To prove this wasn’t just a show, the president and his aide should have completed the building!"

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"The exchange rate for every US dollar has soared to 838,000 rials, and the president is busy shoveling dirt and cement," one user on X quipped.

Another anonymous user, a cleric, commented, "If the previous ultraconservative President (Mahmoud) Ahmadinejad had done the same, the media would have criticized him with all kinds of harsh words."

Conservative journalist Ali Gholhaki also posted on X: "The country is engulfed in the flames of mismanagement and countless other problems. Who advised the President to stage such a spectacle?"

"I have no idea why Khuzestan has so many problems," media outlets quoted Pezeshkian as saying, adding, "I will change the situation in Khuzestan." Similar promises made by former Presidents Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani did little to improve standards of living in the province.

Over the past 20 years, Khuzestan has been the epicenter of several major protests. Many of those killed during the 2019 nationwide protests in Iran were from Khuzestan, according to human rights organizations.

The Iranian Human Rights News Agency (HRNA) reported that security forces in the province recently arrested dozens of cultural and public figures. The crackdown was carried out to suppress dissent, HRANA reported citing local sources, especially after the fall of the Iran-allied government of Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

Pezeshkian pledged to solve the problems of water supply, unemployment and insufficient educational facilities in the province. "I have inherited these problems from the previous governments," he said.

"I have realized that factories in the province were shut down before my arrival to ensure I see clear skies," the pro-government centrist website Entekhab quoted Pezeshkian as saying. "But you can't fool me! I know this province suffers from pollution all the time."

In an interview, local MP Mojtaba Yousefi highlighted the severe infrastructure challenges in Khuzestan Province, saying, "The government has consistently failed to fulfill its promises to address the province’s water and sewage system issues."

"Despite Khuzestan producing 78 percent of the country’s oil and gas output and being home to five major rivers and six dams, we still struggle to provide clean and fresh water to the local population."

Iran faces wage dilemma amid sanctions, economic malaise

Jan 24, 2025, 07:58 GMT+0
•
Mardo Soghom

As Iran's fiscal year draws to an end in March, the government and parliament grapple with the challenge of raising wages in line with an inflation rate of 40% that has pushed millions of workers to poverty.

Raising wages would be fraught with challenges. The heavily dominant government sector lacks the funds to pay higher wages, while quasi-governmental and private enterprises could face bankruptcy if they attempt to double workers’ pay.

But why is doubling wages even being considered? Ordinary workers currently earn less than $150 a month, while official estimates indicate that a family of three needs at least $450 a month to cover basic necessities.

This disparity stems from persistent inflation, averaging 40% annually over the past five years. Since early 2018, Iran's current has plummeted twentyfold, while wages have increased less than eightfold.

Economists warn, however, that doubling wages is not a viable solution. The government cannot afford the increases, and if it resorts to printing money to meet the demand, inflation will only worsen.

Morteza Afqah, an economics professor, told the conservative Nameh News website in Tehran that Iran’s economic crisis cannot be solved through purely economic measures because the root cause lies in its foreign policy. He argued that the only path forward is to reach agreements with the United States and Europe on nuclear and other contentious issues. According to Afqah, sanctions relief is essential before Iran can even consider sustainable economic solutions.

Top decision-makers have acknowledged the severity of the economic crisis in public, emboldening some media outlets and commentators to be increasingly vocal about the urgent need to strike deals with the West.

Ahmad Zeidabadi, a prominent writer and commentator in Tehran, expressed the frustration of many in a tweet on Thursday. Referring to insiders who suggest they are willing to “negotiate with the devil” to save the Islamic Republic but remain opposed to talks aimed at rescuing the economy, Zeidabadi warned that this mindset could further anger a public already bearing the brunt of inflation and hardship.

Similarly, Sadeq Zibakalam, another well-known commentator, reminded his followers in a post on X that over a decade ago, the head of Iran’s nuclear program had promised to build five nuclear reactors for energy production. “

Where are the reactors?” he asked, noting that nothing materialized while Iran has lost hundreds of billions of dollars to sanctions imposed for its nuclear activities. “It’s time to negotiate,” he urged the government.

Despite these calls for action, Iran’s Supreme Leader has yet to signal any willingness to allow direct talks with the United States or to compromise on key issues. Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump has not officially outlined his policy toward Tehran, though his aides have indicated a tough stance on enforcing sanctions.

With the economy in crisis and public discontent rising, Iran’s leadership faces mounting pressure to make difficult decisions that could reshape the country’s trajectory. Whether they choose to engage with the West or continue their current path remains to be seen, but the stakes could not be higher for the Iranian people.

Zarif faces backlash for Davos remarks on hijab and hardliners

Jan 23, 2025, 11:20 GMT+0
•
Maryam Sinaiee

President Masoud Pezeshkian’s strategic deputy, Mohammad-Javad Zarif, has come under heavy criticism by Iranians following his remarks at the Davos Summit, where he said the government has relaxed hijab enforcement in Iran.

Zarif's interview with CNN host Fareed Zakaria on Wednesday failed to satisfy both the public and the government’s hardliner opposition, according to the Rouydad24 news website in Tehran.

"In addressing the hijab situation, he angered the public, especially women, while his comments about radical factions’ confrontations with him provoked the ire of the government’s critics,” the outlet reported.

During his conversation with Zakaria on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum's annual meeting, Zarif stated: "If you go to the streets of Tehran, you will find women not covering their hair. It's against the law, but the government has decided not to put women under pressure … We are moving in the right direction … It’s not enough, but it is a step in the right direction.”

He also told Zakaria that the decision not to enforce a new strict hijab law was adopted by the “leadership” of the country, that is, the heads of the three government powers and the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), because Pezeshkian had promised it to voters. He added that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was not involved in the alleged decision.

Addressing Zakaria's assertion that ultra-hardliners dominate Iran’s security policies, Zarif denied the claim and argued that he would not have been able to walk freely in Tehran if they had such influence.

However, he admitted that ultra-hardliners have been attempting to remove him from office by invoking a law that prohibits individuals with family members holding foreign citizenship from serving in senior government positions.

Criticism on social media

Zarif’s remarks on the hijab issue sparked backlash on social media, with critics accusing him of misrepresenting the Islamic Republic's stance. Many argue that the enforcement of the new and more restrictive hijab law has merely been suspended temporarily, leaving the possibility of its reimplementation at any time.

Hossein Selahvarzi, the former head of Iran's Chamber of Commerce, criticized Zarif on social media, writing: “As the most recognized Iranian figure in international circles, Mr. Zarif, in addition to all his merits and capabilities, possesses two other remarkable talents: the ability to say things in Davos while fully knowing they are untrue, and the ability to return to Iran and look his compatriots in the eye [without feeling ashamed].”

The hijab law enforces extensive surveillance of public spaces to identify women who violate its regulations, with penalties ranging from fines to imprisonment. Businesses are required to deny service to unveiled women or report them to authorities to avoid facing sanctions themselves. Additionally, daily reports from Iran highlight that hijab police and clerics continue to harass women in streets and shopping centers for failing to cover their heads.

Ultra-hardliners react

Ultra-hardliners have doubled down on their criticism of Zarif’s remarks. They emphasize Supreme Leader Khamenei’s clear stance on the hijab, citing an April 2023 speech in which he declared that flouting the hijab was both "religiously and politically haram (forbidden)."

In the same speech, Khamenei accused "the enemy" of orchestrating plans to undermine the hijab and urged authorities to formulate a counter-strategy.

Notably, Khamenei has refrained from mentioning the hijab issue in recent speeches, sparking speculation that he might be concerned about the possibility of a strong backlash from the public.

Ultra-hardline publications also criticized Zarif’s comments on other topics, including his complaint about pressure from radicals.

In an editorial published Thursday titled “From whitewashing Trump to attacking domestic rivals,” Kayhan newspaper accused Zarif of making “out-of-norm remarks” and giving foreign adversaries ammunition to criticize the Islamic Republic.

The Revolutionary Guards-linked Javan newspaper similarly condemned Zarif for taking “his quarrels and grudges against domestic rivals to Davos” and singing “the ugly song of factional disputes,” for the enemies.

“These remarks undermine Iran's national security and authority,” Javan declared.