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ANALYSIS

Why Iran’s Pickaxe Mountain has become Trump’s next target

Negar Mojtahedi
Negar Mojtahedi

Iran International

Jul 21, 2026, 22:30 GMT+1Updated: 19:59 GMT+1
A satellite view shows an overview of the Natanz nuclear facility and Pickaxe Mountain, near Natanz, Iran, June 30, 2026. Vantor/Handout via REUTERS
A satellite view shows an overview of the Natanz nuclear facility and Pickaxe Mountain, near Natanz, Iran, June 30, 2026. Vantor/Handout via REUTERS

President Donald Trump vowed Tuesday to strike Iran’s Pickaxe Mountain, but experts say the deeply buried nuclear facility, potentially central to Tehran’s efforts to restore enrichment, may be far harder to disable than his warning suggests.

“The new site that they’re talking about, they’re trying to possibly reconstitute a site, we’ll hit that site,” Trump told reporters Tuesday during an Oval Office meeting with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun.

“Any site where they’re even thinking about nuclear, we’ll be hitting it very, very powerfully.”

Hours after the US president’s warning, Iran’s joint military command warned that any US attack on Iran’s nuclear or other sensitive sites would widen the regional war, according to state media.

US interests and those of countries supporting Washington would face a “powerful assault” by Iran’s armed forces, Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters said.

Raja News, a hardline Tehran outlet, went further, calling for Iran to publish a list of vital infrastructure across the region, particularly in the United Arab Emirates, and strike the targets if the United States attacks Pickaxe Mountain.

The outlet said Iran should not wait for an attack before responding and urged officials to present a practical plan for withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

Trump’s warning followed an Israeli intelligence assessment, first reported by The Wall Street Journal, that Iran moved thousands of uranium-enrichment centrifuges into Pickaxe Mountain last fall.

Israel shared the assessment with Washington, but the allegation has not been independently verified, and neither country has publicly disclosed the evidence supporting it.

If accurate, the reported transfer would make Pickaxe one of the most strategically important surviving sites in Iran’s nuclear program.

Centrifuges enrich uranium by spinning uranium hexafluoride gas at extremely high speeds and are essential for producing nuclear fuel or weapons-grade material.

“When you assemble centrifuges like that, the next step is to put them in an enrichment plant,” David Albright, president of the Institute for Science and International Security, told Iran International.

Iran began building Pickaxe Mountain after an explosion in 2020 damaged an above-ground advanced centrifuge assembly facility at Natanz in an attack widely attributed to Israel. Tehran said the underground complex would replace the damaged assembly plant.

Satellite imagery has shown years of continued construction. Albright said the underground complex appears significantly larger than would be required for centrifuge assembly alone, leading his institute to assess that it could eventually also house a uranium-enrichment plant.

If centrifuges are being stored there, experts say the facility could provide Tehran with a pathway to restore uranium enrichment despite months of US and Israeli military strikes.

A difficult target

Its depth also makes Pickaxe one of Iran’s most difficult nuclear facilities to attack.

Andrea Stricker, deputy director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Nonproliferation Program, said the facility is estimated to sit roughly 300 to 450 feet beneath a granite mountain, potentially placing it beyond the reach of conventional US bunker-buster bombs.

“Essentially, Pickaxe is where Iran could reconstitute a nuclear weapons pathway,” Stricker told Iran International.

Rather than attempting to penetrate the mountain itself, experts say military planners could seek to disable the facility by targeting its tunnel entrances, ventilation systems and electrical infrastructure.

“You don’t look to get a bunker buster to pass through the mountain. I mean, that’s just not possible,” Albright said.

But he added that the complex was “not immune from destruction or shutting it down.”

“If they have centrifuges in there and they can’t use them, then that is a step forward to try to keep Iran from building nuclear weapons,” he said.

Stricker said another option would be to destroy access through the eastern and western tunnel entrances, preventing Iran from re-entering the complex while allowing the site to be monitored for renewed activity.

Preventing reconstitution

For Rebeccah Heinrichs, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, Pickaxe represents a different phase of the military campaign.

While Washington still has conventional military targets it can strike from the air, Heinrichs said Pickaxe presents a more complex challenge because of its depth and its potential role in rebuilding Iran’s nuclear program.

If Trump concludes that airpower alone cannot prevent Iran from restoring its nuclear capabilities, Heinrichs said any use of US forces on the ground would more likely involve a limited special-operations mission than a conventional invasion.

"This would be a special operations mission on the ground," she told Eye for Iran, suggesting any such operation would likely be conducted alongside Israel to secure or remove sensitive nuclear material.

There is no public evidence that Washington is planning such an operation.

Heinrichs also suggested that the United States may have deliberately avoided striking Pickaxe so far to preserve the possibility of entering or securing the complex, although Washington has not publicly indicated that this was its reasoning.

Whether Trump ultimately orders an attack remains uncertain, and his warning may be intended partly to deter Iran from activating the facility.

But the president’s remarks, the Israeli intelligence assessment and mounting concern among nuclear experts have placed Pickaxe Mountain at the center of a broader strategic question: how to prevent Iran from rebuilding its nuclear program after months of military strikes.

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Pakistan races to preserve Iran-US MoU amid widening war

Jul 21, 2026, 18:34 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee
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Iranian interior minister Eskandar Momeni meets Pakistan's prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, in Islamabad. July 21, 2026

Pakistan and Qatar are pressing ahead with efforts to revive Iran-US diplomacy, but Tehran has yet to publicly endorse the initiative as fighting continues over the Strait of Hormuz and resistance to renewed negotiations grows within sections of the Iranian establishment.

The Pakistan-Qatar initiative remains one of the few active diplomatic channels between Tehran and Washington. But continued military operations and widening divisions within Iran's political establishment have cast doubt on whether the fragile understanding between the two sides can survive.

Iranian Interior Minister Eskandar Momeni traveled to Islamabad on Monday for meetings with Pakistan's civilian and military leadership, including Field Marshal Asim Munir, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Interior Minister Mohsin Raza Naqvi.

Officially, the visit focused on implementing agreements reached during President Masoud Pezeshkian's visit to Pakistan last month. Pakistani media, however, reported that Islamabad is working to preserve the memorandum of understanding (MoU) and prepare the ground for another round of indirect negotiations.

Following his meeting with Momeni, Sharif expressed concern over rising tensions in the Persian Gulf and said Pakistan would continue "to play the role of an honest mediator and facilitator between Iran and the United States."

Momeni, in turn, thanked Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and Field Marshal Asim Munir for securing what he described as the "Islamabad understanding" between Tehran and Washington, underscoring that the talks extended well beyond routine bilateral relations.

Hardliners resist

The prospect of renewed diplomacy continues to divide Iran's political establishment.

Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, who has played a central role in Iran's negotiations with Washington, warned on Sunday that the United States continued to reinforce its military presence while claiming to seek peace.

"They have underestimated our intelligence," he wrote on X. "We have become masters at recognizing these American tricks."

"Actions must confirm their claims, not contradict them."

His remarks were interpreted by some hardline commentators as leaving the door ajar for renewed diplomacy, prompting criticism from conservatives who warned against trusting mediation efforts led by Pakistan and Qatar.

The conservative daily Kayhan argued that the current conflict presented a "golden opportunity" to break what it described as the recurring cycle of war, ceasefire and negotiations, insisting a tougher military posture would serve Iran better than another round of talks.

The IRGC-linked newspaper Javan, however, took a more nuanced position, arguing that Iran should remain prepared for both war and negotiations, provided any talks were aimed at consolidating gains achieved on the battlefield rather than restoring trust in Washington.

War clouds diplomacy

The mediation effort unfolded alongside another day of escalating military exchanges.

According to Iranian state media, Iranian forces struck US military facilities in Bahrain, Kuwait and Jordan using missiles and one-way attack drones.

The IRGC claimed the attacks destroyed early-warning radars, Patriot air-defense systems and satellite communications equipment, although those claims could not be independently verified.

The IRGC also warned commercial shipping against relying on US military protection in the Strait of Hormuz. A source quoted by the IRGC-affiliated Fars News Agency said traffic through the waterway had effectively stopped and warned it would remain closed as long as US military operations continued.

Meanwhile, US Central Command announced another round of strikes targeting Iranian military infrastructure used to threaten maritime shipping. Iranian media reported attacks on military sites in Bandar Abbas, Bushehr, Chabahar, Qeshm Island and other strategic coastal locations.

Defense analyst Farzin Nadimi told Iran International that despite nine days of intensive US strikes, Washington had so far failed to restore commercial navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, leaving difficult decisions about the next phase of the campaign.

Regional risks grow

The regional risks also continued to widen beyond the Persian Gulf.

Yemen's Houthi movement announced it had begun imposing a naval blockade on Saudi Arabia and barred Saudi oil tankers from transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

Analyst Shahir Shahid-Sales said the move was likely coordinated with Tehran.

"The key question is whether the Houthis can actually enforce this blockade and how serious a conflict with Saudi Arabia may become," he wrote on X. "If they begin striking oil tankers, oil prices are likely to rise even further."

Paris weighs reducing embassy staff in Tehran, source says

Jul 21, 2026, 11:59 GMT+1
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French embassy in Tehran

France is reviewing whether to reduce staffing at its embassy after two French diplomats were detained, interrogated and allegedly abused by Iranian security forces in Tehran, according to information obtained by Iran International on Tuesday.

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot had already confirmed that two members of the French embassy were detained for several hours on Sunday, calling the episode "serious and unacceptable" and warning it "cannot go without consequences."

"One of them was physically abused," Barrot said, describing the detention as an "extremely serious act of intimidation" and a "flagrant violation of diplomatic immunity."

According to a source familiar with the matter who spoke to Iran International, Iranian security forces detained the two diplomats, took them to an undisclosed location and interrogated them. Both were subjected to psychological pressure during their detention and questioning, and that at least one was physically assaulted, the source said.

The episode has heightened concern among staff at the French embassy in Tehran, with several employees asking to return to France before completing their assignments, although their postings have not officially ended, according to the source.

French authorities are now considering whether to end some diplomatic assignments early and reduce the embassy's presence in Tehran, the source added.

Paris seeks answers

Iran International has sent a formal request to the French Foreign Ministry seeking comment on the condition of the two diplomats, Paris' planned response and the possible impact on embassy operations in Tehran.

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Demonstrators gather outside the French Embassy in Tehran in October 2020, protesting the publication of caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad. Protesters hold placards depicting French President Emmanuel Macron, burn his image, and call for a boycott of French goods.

The ministry had not responded by the time of publication.

Barrot said he had raised the matter directly with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, telling him the detention represented a serious breach of diplomatic immunity protected under international law.

According to Barrot, the two diplomats were responsible for French programs supporting Iranian civil society, particularly artists and scientists. Both were released and are expected to return to France.

Relations deteriorate

The detention comes as relations between Paris and Tehran continue to worsen over Iran's nuclear program, regional policies and the imprisonment of French nationals.

France has said it opposes lifting sanctions on Iran unless Tehran abandons its nuclear program and changes what Paris describes as destabilizing regional policies. Paris has also called for a broader European role in negotiations over Iran.

The dispute follows years of friction over French nationals held in Iran. Paris has repeatedly called for the release of Cécile Kohler and Jacques Paris, who have been detained since 2022, describing their imprisonment as arbitrary and accusing Iran of using foreign detainees to seek diplomatic concessions.

Earlier this year, France brought a case against Iran before the International Court of Justice over alleged violations of consular rights.

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The detention of accredited embassy staff broadens the dispute from French citizens held in Iran to diplomats protected under international law, adding another point of strain in relations between Paris and Tehran.

Iranian authorities had not publicly commented on the case by the time of publication.

Beyond espionage: Araghchi says spies seek to shape Iran's decisions

Jul 21, 2026, 02:24 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
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Senior Iranian officials pay their respects before the coffin of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei during funeral ceremonies in Tehran. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi is seen at far left, July 2, 2026

Foreign intelligence penetration of Iran is hardly a secret. But Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has now suggested the operation goes beyond locating officials or stealing information and seeks to influence decision-making inside the Islamic Republic itself.

The remark marked a subtle but significant shift. Iranian officials have long acknowledged espionage and intelligence breaches, particularly after the precision with which senior commanders, nuclear scientists and political leaders have been located and targeted exposed profound vulnerabilities within Iran's security establishment.

Speaking in the first part of a nearly 90-minute podcast interview, Araghchi suggested foreign intelligence activity inside Iran may be something more ambitious than gathering intelligence: shaping the decisions of the state itself.

He made the remarks when asked by establishment podcaster Javad Mogoei about the opening hours of the war, when coordinated strikes killed Iran's supreme leader along with several senior military, security and political figures.

"I believe this security breach is not limited merely to infiltration and obtaining information," Araghchi said.

"Sometimes it also exists in influencing the decision-making process itself. And even more importantly, it extends to shaping our psychological environment and public perception."

Araghchi did not identify any foreign intelligence service or explain how such influence might operate, although Israel appeared to be the implied actor in the discussion.

To Alex Vatanka, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, that distinction was the most revealing part of the interview.

"The job of these assets isn't just to leak the location of leaders in a certain place to be killed," Vatanka told Iran International. "It is to influence decision-making. It's to influence the policy process."

Vatanka believes Araghchi's remarks were directed as much at Iran's internal political debate as at foreign intelligence operations.

"He's hinting that elements inside the regime are openly arguing for policies that the enemy—the United States and Israel—prefer," he said. "Is he talking about the pro-war hawks? Is this part of scoring points against one another? Could well be."

"These things are obviously not accidental," he added. "This is very much messaging at a moment of war."

Mogoei nevertheless raised another possibility, invoking Masoud Kashmiri, the alleged infiltrator who rose through the ranks of the Islamic Republic before the 1981 bombing that killed President Mohammad Ali Rajai and Prime Minister Mohammad-Javad Bahonar.

"Perhaps we have another Kashmiri," he suggested.

Araghchi did not endorse the comparison, saying Iran's adversaries had become familiar with the supreme leader's routine and that the Intelligence Ministry meeting may simply have coincided by chance.

Whether Araghchi was describing a sophisticated foreign influence operation or speaking more broadly about the effect of outside pressure on Iran's internal politics is where analysts begin to diverge.

Omid Memarian, an Iran analyst at DAWN, said one possible manifestation of the kind of influence Araghchi described would be officials advocating policies that prolong the war despite the damage continued conflict causes to the Islamic Republic's own interests.

"Some of the decisions they are making are exactly the things that Israelis might wish for," Memarian told Iran International.

"When it comes to Iran's national security and national interests, they don't make sense,” he added. "We see the smoke. We don't see the fire."

Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, said Araghchi's comments should also be viewed through the lens of Iran's internal political rivalries.

"That doesn't mean these guys are doves by any measure," Taleblu told Iran International. "But it does mean that they have different views about how best to preserve, protect and defend the Islamic Republic."

Taleblu said public acknowledgments of security failures are often aimed less at the Iranian public than at rival political factions or security institutions, with officials defending their own approach while criticizing competing strategies.

He said Araghchi's comments also highlighted a less discussed aspect of intelligence operations: their ability to shape leaders' perceptions rather than merely gather information.

"Influence is to shape their decision-making, perhaps by lulling the Supreme Leader's office into a false sense of security and back into the routines that existed before," he said.

Family of executed protester says he was tortured into false confession

Jul 20, 2026, 21:50 GMT+1
•
Farnoosh Faraji
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Mohammad Amini Dehaghan was executed two weeks before his 38th birthday.

The family of 37-year-old executed protester Mohammad Amini Dehaghani has told Iran International that he was tortured into making a false confession, denied effective legal representation and deprived of the chance to appeal his death sentence.

Amini, a father of two, was detained during nationwide protests in January 2026.

His relatives and other sources who spoke to Iran International could not be named for fear of retribution by Iranian authorities.

Iran’s judiciary-affiliated Mizan news agency announced on July 15 that Amini had been executed after being convicted of moharebeh, or “waging war against God,” and corruption on Earth over allegations that he set fire to the governor’s office and damaged public property in Dehaghan county, Isfahan province.

His family said authorities had earlier accused him of involvement in a separate arson attack on a Bank Mellat branch in Dehaghan. They rejected the allegation, saying he was at home when the fire occurred and played no role in it.

Amini, who was from Dehaghan, was the father of 13-year-old Raha and one-year-old Mahva. His relatives described him as quiet and someone who kept out of trouble, adding that his wife and two daughters were the focus of his life.

He was executed two weeks before his 38th birthday.

Arrested after IRGC summons, denied legal representation

Amini received a telephone call on the evening of January 19 asking him to report to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to provide an explanation, his relatives said.

“We have a video of you,” officers told him, sources told Iran International.

Amini was arrested after reporting to the IRGC and never returned home.

His family hired a private lawyer, but the lawyer was not allowed to meet Amini or given full access to the case file, his relatives said.

After the death sentence was issued, the family’s lawyer said he had appealed. But when relatives contacted the Supreme Court, they found that no appeal had been registered, the family said.

When the lawyer sought an explanation, the Dehaghan prosecutor told him: “There was no need for you to be informed about this.”

The family said it believed judicial authorities deliberately concealed the death sentence to deprive them of the opportunity to appeal or pursue other legal avenues.

Tortured into false confession

Amini was severely beaten during interrogations and tortured with an electric stun device to force him to make a false confession incriminating himself, his relatives said.

The family also said that he was given insufficient food and held in unhygienic and poor prison conditions.

During the first weeks of his detention, Amini was in poor physical and psychological condition and struggled to understand what was happening around him, his relatives said.

Several days before his execution, he was transferred to solitary confinement.

‘Tell everyone I am innocent’

During their final prison visit, his relatives said they saw him in a critical condition.

He was unable to walk, and officers had to hold him under his arms to bring him into the visiting room. His body was trembling, and he appeared to have almost no strength left.

“Tell everyone I am innocent,” Amini told his family during the visit.

After the execution, Iranian authorities refused to allow his body to be buried in his hometown of Dehaghan, his family said.

He was instead buried under government supervision at Isfahan’s Behesht-e Rezvan cemetery, with only a small number of close relatives permitted to attend the funeral.

Amini remained hopeful until the final days of his life that he would be released, sources told Iran International.

He had received a certificate recognizing his good conduct and called his wife from prison every day.

Amini asked her to record videos of their younger daughter, Mahva, so that after his release he could watch the moments of her childhood that he had missed.

Why US strikes are moving deeper into southern Iran

Jul 18, 2026, 03:49 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
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President Donald Trump observes a demonstration with U.S. Army 10th Mountain Division troops, an attack helicopter and artillery, as he visits Fort Drum, New York, in this 2018 file photo

The latest US strikes on southern Iran may offer the clearest indication yet of how Washington's campaign around the Strait of Hormuz is evolving from retaliation to the systematic degradation of Iran's military infrastructure.

American forces have been striking targets along Iran’s Persian Gulf coast for almost a week.

Iranian media reported that eight people were killed as bridges, communications infrastructure and a maritime surveillance tower were hit across Hormozgan and Sistan-Baluchistan provinces.

Rebeccah Heinrichs, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, says the concentration of attacks along Iran’s southern coastline—and increasingly farther inland—suggests the United States is moving beyond retaliation against individual strikes and targeting the infrastructure that allows Tehran to sustain and eventually rebuild the military capabilities underpinning its operations around the Strait of Hormuz.

“Up until very recently, the United States was primarily focused on doing retaliatory strikes exclusively along the coastline of Iran,” Heinrichs told Eye for Iran. . “

‘Protecting maritime traffic’

The attacks came after President Donald Trump warned that bridges and power infrastructure could become targets if Tehran refused to return to negotiations.

Iranian military officials, meanwhile, said the conflict would “spread to new areas” if US operations continued.

“I suspect that the United States has had these targets on their list,” she said. “President Trump has gone back to Admiral Cooper and said, ‘What else do we need to hit?’”

The likely focus, she added, was Iran’s ability to replenish the military capabilities it uses around the Strait of Hormuz.

Among the sites struck was a maritime surveillance tower in Chabahar. Iran described it as a facility monitoring commercial shipping, while US Central Command said it formed part of an IRGC network used to track vessels transiting the strait and coordinate attacks against them.

CENTCOM said destroying the tower would directly reduce the Revolutionary Guards’ ability to threaten maritime traffic.

The targeting of bridges in Hormozgan province also points to an expanding set of military objectives.

Heinrichs said Washington had sought to limit civilian harm, but argued that some dual-use infrastructure could become a legitimate military target if it substantially enabled IRGC operations.

“There are some targets that the United States could legitimately hit,” she said. “They may create some harm, of course, to the civilian population, but they also primarily enable and facilitate the IRGC to repress their people and to continue their war effort.”

A limited ground role?

The widening campaign has also fuelled speculation about whether Washington could eventually deploy ground forces inside Iran.

Heinrichs dismissed the prospect of a large-scale invasion, saying any deployment would more likely involve special operations forces tasked with securing or removing nuclear material rather than occupying territory.

“If President Trump were to go with any contingency that would entail some element of US ground forces, it would almost certainly be because the United States wants to remove any nuclear material that is still inside Iran,” she said.

For now, however, Heinrichs believes the campaign remains centred on the Strait of Hormuz.

The initial phase significantly weakened Iran’s military leadership and its capacity to project power beyond its borders, she said. Washington has now moved into what she described as “the battle over the Strait of Hormuz.”

Taken together, the latest strikes point to a campaign that is evolving beyond retaliation. Rather than simply responding to Iranian attacks, Washington appears increasingly focused on preventing Tehran from regenerating the military infrastructure underpinning its operations around the Strait of Hormuz.