Pezeshkian to seek legal solution to Iran's latest hijab law

Reformist-leaning media in Iran criticized Elmira Sharifi-Moghaddam, a female anchor for state TV channel IRINN, for posing challenging questions to President Pezeshkian about the state of the economy.

Commentators seen as reformists argued that her questions were unfair, overlooking long-standing issues Pezeshkian faces, such as sanctions and a deeply inefficient economic system.

However, the questions raised during the interview were far less probing than those typically posed by European or American TV anchors. The interview's style appeared intentionally crafted to align with state TV's political leanings, closely tied to the ultraconservative Paydari party, whose members are known to influence the broadcaster's news and current affairs policies.

A former Tehran mayor, Gholamhossein Karbaschi, who owns and runs the centrist daily Ham Mihan, criticized the President's decision to participate in a live one-hour interview on state television. 

In an article for Iran, the state-owned newspaper, Karbaschi argued that Pezeshkian should have refused the format dictated by state television, instead asserting control over when and how he addressed the nation

"He should have changed the state TV's game and chosen when and for how long to speak to the public," Karbaschi suggested, adding that Pezeshkian could have delivered "just two sentences to convince the people."

Karbaschi argued that the interview was intended to undermine the president rather than facilitate meaningful communication with the public. 

"What we saw on TV was an honest president speaking transparently while facing unfairly challenging questions," he wrote.

The former mayor also accused the anchor of frequently interrupting Pezeshkian and raising provocative topics, such as a potential gasoline price hike, to derail his explanations of the administration’s performance.

Karbaschi further claimed that the president was given limited time to express his views on the controversial hijab law.

Domestic media appeared to express frustration upon realizing that the interview with Pezeshkian, his second since taking office on August 1, differed from those with previous presidents – when anchors typically refrained from challenging their guests and even assisted in portraying their performance in a favorable light. This was especially true in interviews with former President Ebrahim Raisi, much of the media noted.

Conservative columnist Abdoljavad Mousavi commented that "Pezeshkian spoke in the same manner about everything, making it difficult to assess his weaknesses and strengths," but argued that the president spoke with candor and honesty.

In contrast, Amir Hossein Jafari, a columnist for the pro-reform outlet Rouydad24, argued that Pezeshkian's remarks on various issues "hardly convinced the public."

Jafari highlighted key topics addressed in the interview, such as gasoline price hikes, internet censorship, and pressures stemming from the new compulsory hijab law.

"Apart from hijab, the president did not say much about other matters," he noted.

The word "disparity" dominated Pezeshkian's interview, reflecting gaps between the government’s financial resources and expenditures, production and consumption levels, and public expectations versus what the government can realistically deliver.

Throughout the conversation, Pezeshkian emphasized the lack of funding as a core issue. He acknowledged several economic challenges, many of which have escalated into crises, but maintained that there is little the government can do to address these disparities.

Pezeshkian offered no tangible solutions for short- or medium-term problems, instead suggesting measures that would only have been effective had they been implemented years ago.

He frequently remarked, especially regarding cultural issues, "Things should have been addressed when people were in primary school. It’s too late and too difficult to fix them now."

After the interview, Pezeshkian invited feedback on his X account. Many Iranians criticized his approach, calling him too timid.

"You should talk like a hammer!" one social media user urged.

Others expressed discontent over Pezeshkian’s perceived failure to uphold campaign promises, such as improving the economy, lifting internet censorship, and easing pressures on women over the hijab.

As one observer noted, "He has realized that things are not as easy as he thought when he made those promises during his campaign."

Q: Who oversees IRIB’s operations and leadership?

Established after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, IRIB is the sole entity authorized to broadcast radio and television signals in Iran.

Under Iran’s Constitution, IRIB operates under the control of the supreme leader, who holds the authority to appoint and dismiss its head. The supreme leader's influence extends through his appointed representative within the organization.

The IRIB Supervisory Council, formed under Article 175 of the Constitution, includes representatives from the president and Parliament, each selecting two members. The chief justice, appointed by the supreme leader, selects two of the council's six members, further consolidating the supreme leader’s oversight.

Q: What are the sources of IRIB’s budget?

Unlike public service broadcasters in some other countries, such as the BBC, which is primarily funded through license fees and advertising, IRIB receives its budget from the government, supplemented by advertising revenue.

For the Iranian calendar year ending March 20, 2025, Parliament allocated 240 trillion rials (approximately $400 million) to IRIB. Despite an estimated $35 billion budget deficit, IRIB’s funding has consistently increased over the years, often surpassing inflation. This year’s allocation is three times higher than the previous year’s.

In addition to its main budget, IRIB receives separate funding for “cultural” activities and earns substantial revenue from advertising, amounting to trillions of rials annually.

IRIB is a vast organization employing between 30,000 and 50,000 people, significantly more than the BBC, which has around 21,000 employees.

Q: To which political factions are IRIB heads affiliated?

The IRIB is currently led by ultra-hardliners closely linked to the Paydari (Steadfastness) Party and the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC), both of which hold significant influence in Iran’s political system.

In 1987, shortly after becoming supreme leader, Ali Khamenei reinstated Mohammad Hashemi-Rafsanjani as the head of IRIB. Hashemi-Rafsanjani had been appointed by Khamenei’s predecessor, Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic. He is also the brother of Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani, a prominent moderate conservative politician who played a key role in ensuring Khamenei succeeded Khomeini as supreme leader.

Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s tenure at IRIB ended in 1993. Since then, Khamenei has exclusively appointed leaders from the Principlist political camp, a coalition of conservative and ultra-hardline groups that dominate Iran’s right-wing politics.

Principlists have traditionally formed alliances against reformist politicians in elections. However, in the past decade, these alliances have narrowed, with many moderate conservatives—such as former President Hassan Rouhani and former Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani, who headed IRIB from 1994 to 2004—distancing themselves from hardliners and ultra-hardliners.

Q: Who is the current head of IRIB?

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed Peyman Jebelli, a former head of IRIB’s foreign services, as the organization’s chief in 2021. Jebelli is politically aligned with Saeed Jalili, an ultra-hardline politician and former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, who ran in the snap presidential elections of July 2021.

Jebelli appointed Vahid Jalili, Saeed Jalili’s brother, as his cultural deputy. In this role, Vahid Jalili wields significant influence over IRIB’s policy direction. He is also a member of the ultra-hardline Paydari (Steadfastness) Party, further consolidating the faction’s control over the state broadcaster.

Q: What foreign-language services does IRIB offer?

Press TV, launched in July 2007, is IRIB’s primary international channel, broadcasting in English.

In addition to Press TV, IRIB operates several channels targeting foreign audiences in multiple languages. These include Arabic-language channels such as Al-Alam, Al-Kawthar TV, and Al-Alam Syria; a Spanish-language channel, Hispan TV; and Hausa TV, which is aimed at West African audiences.

The IRIB also runs the Sahar Universal Network (SUN), launched in 1997, which broadcasts in languages including Dari, Azeri, Kurdish, Urdu, and Balkan languages such as Bosnian and Albanian.

The Jam-e Jam Network, which targeted Iranian expatriates and shared its name with the California-based opposition channel Jaam-e Jam that began broadcasting in 2015, ceased operations in 2023.

Q: Why has IRIB faced international sanctions?

IRIB has been sanctioned by multiple countries and organizations, including the United States and the European Union, for its role in censorship and human rights violations.

These sanctions cite IRIB’s broadcasting of forced confessions and its close ties to Iran’s security apparatus, which have been used to suppress dissent.

The current head of IRIB, Peyman Jebelli, is also under Western sanctions, including those by the US, for facilitating the suppression of free speech and using the media to support state violence.

Press TV, IRIB’s English-language outlet, has been sanctioned by the US and European entities for similar reasons.

Q: What is IRIB’s viewership?

IRIB’s viewership has significantly declined over the past two decades as many Iranians have turned to satellite TV channels, including banned Persian-language news and entertainment channels based abroad, instead of the national broadcaster.

IRIB officials claim that the organization retains a viewership of 72 percent. However, a survey by the Iranian Students Polling Agency (ISPA), a government-affiliated polling body, reported a substantial drop, with only 12.5 percent of respondents identifying IRIB as their primary source of news, down from 51 percent in 2017. The same survey found that just 11.5 percent watch IRIB’s entertainment programs.

In recent years, IRIB’s monopoly has also been challenged by the rise of online entertainment platforms such as Filimo, which are gaining popularity among Iranian audiences.

"The reason for this decision is her physical condition following a tumor removal and bone graft surgery that took place 21 days ago," he wrote on X.

Mohammadi, 52, has spent much of the past 20 years in and out of prison. She is currently serving a 13-year sentence in Tehran's Evin prison.

Earlier in October, Mohammadi’s family accused Iran's security and judicial authorities of repeatedly blocking her transfer to a hospital for an angiography procedure, according to a statement they released.

Mohammadi has been arrested, tried, and sentenced to prison multiple times because of her human rights work.

She was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2023 for her three-decade campaign for women's rights in Iran.

The head of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the prize, said he was "deeply worried about her enduring illness and pain".

"We call upon the Iranian authorities to permanently end her imprisonment and ensure that she will get adequate medical treatment for her illnesses," Joergen Watne Frydnes said in a statement.

Their accounts align with new data showing that Iran has reached its highest-ever divorce-to-marriage ratio.

Iran’s Open Data Center, which provides public access to government-generated data, reports that from March 20, 2023, to March 20, 2024, there were 2.4 marriages for every divorce recorded.

While there were just 481,000 marriages in that timeframe, reportedly the lowest in 27 years – divorces soared up to 202,000, marking the third-highest divorce count on record.

In the 1980s, the national divorce-to-marriage ratio was under 9 per 100 marriages. Since then, it has quadrupled, now approaching 40 divorces for every 100 marriages.

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In light of the Iranian government’s crackdowns on individuals speaking to foreign media, some names have been abbreviated or last names omitted.

Professor K., a sociologist, told Iran International how financial instability has driven unprecedented pressure on marriages in Iran.

“When couples can’t afford rent or constantly fear eviction, the sense of security needed to nurture a relationship vanishes,” he said. “Young families feel trapped between rising inflation and unemployment. It’s tearing them apart.”

Trapped in Tehran's rising cost of living

The challenges faced by young couples are evident in the nation’s capital, where Narges and Ali say they once dreamed of buying a small apartment after their wedding.

Today the 29-year-olds have been married for three years and say they have noticed that with each year, rising prices push that dream further out of reach.

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Ali told Iran International that they kept hoping the next year would bring some relief to their household finances.

"But after a while, it felt like living in limbo," he said.

In March, a report from state-controlled media indicated that nearly one in three Iranians is living below the poverty line, largely due to the high inflation experienced over the past five years.

At the same time, the government’s own statistics suggest that almost six out of every 10 Iranians are neither employed or seeking work – while more than half of those who are employed are often forced to hold down a side job to make ends meet.

Like many Iranian families, the financial challenges confronting Narges and Ali, have seeped into their personal lives.

“We were just existing,” Narges said. “He worked day and night, and so did I, but each time we saved a little, the rent would go up again. One day, I looked at him, and we both knew—we were just surviving. There was nothing left between us.”

While marriage is in decline, the country is simultaneously facing the threat of a fast-declining population growth rate.

Some studies suggest that by the year 2051, around 26 million of the country's population, or one-quarter of the population, will be elderly.

Despite several massive budget allocations to a regeneration scheme, fewer babies are born each year.

Iran’s government has set an ambitious target to raise the fertility rate to 2.5 by 2028, but critics say the state has not been able to boost the living standards, with more than 35% considered to be living under the absolute poverty line according to official statistics and many more living in increasing hardship despite having multiple jobs.

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An examination of rental prices in the capital and the ongoing housing crisis highlights why many families have downsized, relocated to less desirable areas, or are living indefinitely with their parents, as is the case with Leila and her fiancé.

Like Narges and Ali, Leila and her partner say securing a place to live together remains a distant dream for them.

In Tehran, the monthly rent for a one-bedroom apartment in central districts has surged to over 250 million rials (approximately $400), whereas the average household income is around 150 million rials (about $220).

With a master’s degree in accounting, 27-year-old Leila told Iran International that her job prospects are limited, and her savings minimal.

“We’re both working, but after covering expenses, there’s hardly anything left to save,” she says.

Her mother, Farideh, shared, “When I was her age, I was already married, and we had our own place. Now the struggle is just to live, forget about a wedding or children.”

According to the latest data, Alborz province, located just north of Tehran, recorded a rate of 61 divorces for every 100 marriages. Other provinces in the region, including Mazandaran to the north, Tehran itself, Gilan to the northwest, Semnan to the east, and Markazi to the southwest, are also experiencing similar trends.

Economic strain delays marriage in traditional regions

In regions where traditional marriage norms remain strong, divorce rates are lower.

The latest statistics suggest that Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari recorded 30 divorces per 100 marriages and South Khorasan 27 – both closer to the national average.

Meanwhile, Sistan and Baluchestan recorded the lowest rate, with just 10 divorces per 100 marriages.

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But, the economic strain in these regions appears to impact overall low marriage rates.

Despite its resource wealth, Sistan and Baluchestan face significant challenges, including underdevelopment and poverty. Reportedly the poorest province of Iran, it has a population of 4 million, which includes about 700,000 Afghan nationals.

Over the past years, the region has experienced many crises, including shortage of fuel, bread, and drinking water, as well as drought, widespread unemployment and increasing poverty.

Hossein, a shop owner in the provincial capital Zahedan, explained that poverty among the youth is fueling disillusionment.

“Young men used to marry in their early 20s. Now, they wait until they can support a family – but that day seems further and further away,” he told Iran International.

Mehri, a 32-year-old teacher and mother of two from Semnan, says she struggles daily with her family’s financial burdens.

Her husband, once an engineer, was laid off, and she says they are now forced to survive and live on her modest teaching salary.

“There’s no peace in our home anymore,” she told Iran International.

Sociologists, including Professor K., caution that the continued trend of low marriage rates could lead to broader social challenges, including increased isolation.

“Marriage has always been a cornerstone of stability in our culture,” said Professor K. “As more families fracture under economic pressures, we risk losing the community bonds that marriage has traditionally helped to strengthen.”

With economic pressures showing no signs of abating, experts say the disintegration of traditional marriage patterns over the last decades will lead to long-term challenges for Iran's social fabric.

“There are too many questions about the execution [of the hijab law] for me who must implement it… Will society accept this? … We must not do something that will cause discontent among others [for offering services to unveiled women],” Pezeshkian said in his second televised interview with state television since taking office.

According to political analysts, Pezeshkian is facing immense pressure from his supporters to resist pressure from ultra-hardline factions urging him to sign the finalized law.

“An unjust law will not be enforced, and if it is, it will create discontent,” Pezeshkian said in the interview, later adding that he was consulting with other authorities to seek a resolution to the current impasse.

He also suggested that ultra-hardliners had tried to cause a challenge to his newly formed government by demanding the enforcement of the hijab law as soon as he took office.

In response to the interview, conservative politician and journalist Mohammad Mohajeri posted on X, saying “Pezeshkian announced in the televised interview, correctly, that the hijab law is not implementable and will bear no outcome other than discontent in the society.”

“This law will not only not encourage anyone to wear the hijab but will also create new challenges with an unpredictable outcome in the difficult current circumstances. The solution is to be reasonable,” Mohajeri added.

During his presidential campaign, Pezeshkian pledged to end hijab patrols and violence against women for dress code violations. Now, his supporters and some reformist-aligned media are openly calling on him to honor that commitment.

Sazandegi newspaper printed an image of Pezeshkian’s tweet during the campaign on its front page on Monday with the headline “A Promise Should Be Fulfilled” across the top in prominently large letters.

At the time, several high-profile politicians backed Pezeshkian’s promise by declaring that they guaranteed that Pezeshkian would not keep his promises – including current Vice President for strategic affairs Javad Zarif.

Mandatory hijab regulations were first introduced in 1981, following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and formally enforced in 1983.

The details of the new hijab law, unveiled by domestic media on Saturday, including stricter measures and the potential rise of vigilantism, have deeply unsettled many Iranians.

In response to a solicitation for audience opinions, many citizens told Iran International this week that they fear the new law will be used as a tool for state-driven financial exploitation.

They expressed concerns that, rather than relying on the morality police, the government might enforce hijab rules through cash fines, prison sentences, and measures like denying women access to social rights and services.

The ultra-hardliner Kayhan newspaper, unexpectedly, on Monday criticized the new hijab law from a different perspective and accused reformists of using the controversies over it to “oppose the hijab as a principle”.

Kayhan contended that there was no need for a new hijab law and argued that insistence on new methods of enforcement instead of the so-called morality police patrols has resulted in a “several-fold increase in the foul and destructive spectacle of unveiling.”

In the recent interview, Pezeshkian also insisted that the enforcement of the hijab law will affect not only the women who have chosen to be unveiled but also others because it threatens to penalize restaurants and drivers of ride-hailing services for not refusing service or reporting them to authorities.

"They want to penalize Snapp drivers for unveiling their passengers. This causes discontent. What does [the unveiling of the passenger] have to do with him?" he asked.

Impasse over hijab law amid government infighting

The ultra-hardline-dominated Guardian Council gave its final approval to the hijab law in mid-September.

Typically, the president officially communicates such legislation to all government agencies within a few days for implementation.

The law has been in limbo, however, since then due to Pezeshkian's refusal to take the required step. Pezeshkian is not the first president to refuse to take responsibility for legislation they opposed. In a few instances in the past, former Presidents Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani took the path of shifting the responsibility to the speaker.

If Pezeshkian continues to refuse to communicate the law, the onus to give the hijab law official status will be on Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf.

Pezeshkian and Ghalibaf's fraught relationship has recently worsened, over another government bill aimed at preventing Vice President Zarif's exclusion from the government over his son's American citizenship.

Last week, Ghalibaf signaled a shift by aligning with ultra-hardline factions, declaring Zarif's appointment illegal and asserting the hijab law would become official by 13 December, though he did not clarify who would authorize its communication.

Since Pezeshkian’s appointment, the enforcement of the state’s existing hijab regulations has continued and intensified. Several high-profile cases underscore the authorities' ongoing focus on forcibly regulating women’s public behavior.

The ongoing standoff arises amid continued societal backlash against the enforcement of the hijab, compounded by years of dissent and protests.