OpenAI disrupts Iranian influence campaign targeting US elections

"I salute the noble spirit of the nation's soldier, Martyr Lieutenant General Soleimani, and Martyr Ismail Haniyeh,” Pezeshkian said, while urging agreement and unity to approve the cabinet proposed earlier this month.

The parliament speaker announced that the vote of confidence will take place on Wednesday, August 21.

Pezeshkian was elected in a low turnout vote as many Iranians have lost hope and confidence that the clerical government can reform itself and address Iran’s multiple crises. However, he and his key supporters, such as former foreign minister Javad Zarif promised that he will act rationally in choosing his ministers and aides to bring about reform.

Pezeshkian repeated the same pledge in parliament. “The oath I took is an opportunity to become aware of the people's living conditions and to hear the voice of the entire nation for transformation and change. It is an opportunity to correct ineffective approaches and create hope and prosperity for the people.”

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However, many of the ministers he has nominated are familiar faces, some hailing from the IRGC and others with dubious records from their previous government posts. Criticism about a half of the cabinet has rung out among regime insiders and even local media.

So far, Pezeshkian has taken no steps on two pressing demands of many voters, to put an end to internet censorship and police action on the streets against women for their lack of “appropriate” hijab.

Facing criticism about the composition of his cabinet, Pezeshkian and his allies have been insisting that it is a government of national unity and cooperation between different political factions. However, politicians who are allowed to operate in Iran come from a tiny strata of regime loyalists, and candidates for parliament are strictly vetted. No independent or dissident individual is allowed to have political activities.

Pezeshkian went on to defend his appointments, saying, "The government introduced to the parliament is a government of national unity, one that considers itself the government of all the people of Iran. It is committed to ensuring the civil rights of all Iranians. Adherence to the Constitution, the goals of the Vision Document, the general policies approved by the Supreme Leader…”

However, during the more than two weeks since his oath of office, security agencies and the Judiciary have continued their repressive measures, arrests and even a large of number of executions.

He told the majority-conservative parliament with a large hardliner faction that policies need to change to address the current crises. "The solution lies in mutual understanding and joint action to address the people's demands. If the people's voices are not heard in time, we will witness growing despair. The people are facing difficult economic conditions. We are witnessing injustices in various areas. The current policies and procedures are not capable of resolving these issues."

Pezeshkian also emphasized that people are dissatisfied with the governance of the regime, and added, "The people are dissatisfied with us today. We are the ones to blame. The fault does not lie with the United States or other foreign entities."

Bessami Momani, an international relations expert, told the Eye for Iran podcast that the increased signs of Iranian nuclear weaponization is likely related to the greater tensions between Iran and Israel.

"Its' part of the psychological warfare," she said.

Iran International's exclusive reporting revealed that the Islamic Republic is planning on testing nuclear bomb detonators.

Three independent sources in Iran, who have chosen to remain anonymous due to the sensitive nature of the information, told Iran International that the Iranian government has made significant progress in its nuclear program.

The war of words, and the potential use of nuclear weapons, is part of a conflict where each side pushes the boundaries to the brink of all-out war without ever crossing the threshold, said Momani.

Momani, who is a professor of Political Science at the University of Waterloo in Canada, said Iran and Israel are both engaged in a "game of chicken."

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei vowed revenge against Israel for the killing of Ismail Haniyeh, the political chief of Iran-backed Hamas, in Tehran last month.

Haniyeh was in Iran attending the inauguration ceremony of Iran's new president. Israel has not confirmed or denied involvement.

But despite the Islamic Republic's public threats to "punish" Israel, and the updates from Western intelligence, reporting of an 'imminent' direct attack by Iran, nothing of that nature has happened yet.

The first time Iran launched a direct strike on Israeli territory was on April 13 when it fired more than 300 missiles and drones at the Jewish state that were mostly intercepted by Israel and its allies. That attack happened nearly two weeks after a suspected Israeli airstrike on Iran's consulate building in Damascus, Syria, killing seven Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corp (IRGC) officers, including two generals.

Momani said this is the closet we've ever gotten to nuclear warfare in the Middle East, and despite her believing it won't happen, she said the danger lies in radicals on both sides making a 'mistake.'

"Shadow wars can become hot wars very quickly when one little thing goes wrong."

"The fear is not so much that either side wants to completely go into a full out war, but the fear is that there is a mistake," she added.

Momani said Iran and Israel are both "rational" state actors but said both nations have "ideological" and "fanatical" members in government that could jeopardize the situation and turn it into "a hot war."

In this episode of the podcast Eye for Iran, Momani accuses Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of dragging out the war against Hamas and continuing a tit-for-tat with Iran to avoid potential prison time on corruption and hold onto power as long as possible.

Find out more about why Momani said Israel and Iran both have a vested interest in continuing what she coined "the game of chicken," and the potential consequences that could hurt innocent people caught in the middle by watching the full episode on YouTube or listening to on Spotify, Apple or Amazon.

The Biden administration has been pushing harder for de-escalation since 31 July, when Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran. Iran has so far rejected all calls for restraint and vowed to launch a severe strike. But the growing chances of a ceasefire agreement seem to have persuaded Iranian leaders to wait a little longer.

"Iran is expected to delay its planned attack against Israel in retaliation for the assassination of Hamas leader in Tehran to allow mediators time to make a high-stakes push for a Gaza cease-fire," The New York Times reported Friday, citing US, Iranian and Israeli officials.

The report came shortly after Qatar’s prime minister Mohammad Abdulrahman Al Thani became the latest to call on Iran to hold off its retaliatory attack against Israel, according to a Washington Post report. In a phone call with the Iranian acting foreign minister, Ali Bagher Kani, he asked Tehran to consider the “grave consequences” of waging an assault at the very moment there are signs of diplomatic progress, the report said.

The message coming out of Tehran has been largely consistent: that the Haniyeh killing warrants a harsh response. There are more than a few signs, however, that the plan for retaliation may not be as clear and final as Iranian officials suggest.

On Wednesday, exactly two weeks after Haniyeh was killed in Tehran, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei rejected the diplomatic pressures as “psychological warfare”. But he also made a reference to the impermissibility of “non-tactical retreat”, which many observers read as an implicit approval of a tactical retreat.

“By Friday, Israeli intelligence had assessed that Hezbollah and Iran had lowered the level of alertness in their rocket and missile units,” the New York Times reported, citing Iranian, American and Israeli officials. The report came shortly after the Israeli Air Force released footage of its warplanes practicing aerial refueling, simulating long-range missions deep behind enemy lines.

Israeli officials have been as combative as their Iranian counterparts, often angering the Biden administration, which was blindsided by the assassination of Haniyeh and saw it as a disruptive action, as far as the ceasefire talks are concerned.

After two weeks of frenzied attempts to stop Iran’s retaliatory strike, the administration seems to be optimistic that Iran would wait to see what comes out of the cease-fire negotiations in Qatar. In a joint statement Friday, Qatar, Egypt and the US said the talks have been "serious and constructive," and that senior officials will try to conclude the deal in another round of talks in Cairo.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken will also head to the Middle East on Saturday, to help get the agreement over the line, according to a State Department statement. “Secretary Blinken will underscore the critical need for all parties in the region to avoid escalation or any other actions that could undermine the ability to finalize an agreement,” the statement reads, seemingly addressing Iran and its allied armed groups in the region.

While calling on all sides to de-escalate, the Biden administration has saved its warnings for Iran and reassurances for Israel. “The US continues to monitor attack planning from Iran and its proxies and is well-postured across the region to defend Israel and protect US personnel & facilities,” the US defense secretary, Lloyd Austin, said Friday following a phone call with his Israeli counterpart, Yoav Gallant.

This is an eventuality the Biden administration seems determined to avoid, especially in the week of the Democratic National Convention. The heightened tensions in the Middle East –and the death toll in Gaza, in particular– have alienated sections of the core Democratic vote among Black and Muslim Americans. A ceasefire in Gaza would not only help mitigate the threat from Iran, but could prove crucial in regaining parts of the ‘progressive’ vote.

Abbas Salimi Namin stated in an interview with the Khabar Online website in Tehran that Araghchi's inclusion in the cabinet could accelerate the push for negotiations aimed at lifting US sanctions against Iran.

In his meeting with Iranian lawmakers ahead of the parliament's (Majles) vote of confidence on President Pezeshkian's ministers, Araghchi's comments were summarized by Iranian and international media into two key points: the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA) is beyond revival, and Iran should temper its hostility toward the United States.

The media in Tehran have also opined that Araghchi's appointment as Foreign Minister indicates that Iran is likely to adopt a pragmatic approach to its relations with the United States.

However, there was another angle in Araghchi’s remarks. He did not mention the need for reaching any agreement that could address the concerns of the United States. Instead, he underlined that diplomatic and military pressure is needed to have the sanctions lifted.

Salimi Namin in his interview said that the Majles will certainly give its vote of confidence to Araghchi and this will impact the minister's ability to negotiate for the lifting of sanctions on Iran.

While many observers and lawmakers in Iran are pessimistic about the result of the vote of confidence for some of Pezeshkian's ministers, almost all who have spoken publicly about the matter, including Mohammad Bagheri Banai, a member of the "independent" MPs fraction are adamant that Araghchi will face any challenge.

Salimi Namin further said that like former president Ebrahim Raisi, Pezeshkian has also promised to open up to the world in a bid to solve the nation's financial problems. That comparison might not bode well for the future of US-Iran relations, as the Raisi administration effectively scuttles the nuclear talks in Vienna by constant deals, which finally ended when Russia invaded Ukraine.

Namin reiterated that Araghchi's appointment will strengthen support for trying to have the sanctions lifted. This, in other words, means that Iran is no longer going to work toward what it called "reviving the JCPOA," as it appears that Tehran has finally realized that the United States is no longer interested in the 2015 nuclear deal and is looking for a new package deal that would address several regional security issues as well.

In another development, according to Nameh News, a 2021 videoshowing the hardline editor of Kayhan newspaper, Hossein Shariatmadari strongly defending Araghchi has gone viral on social media. The video shows Shariamadari in a talk show on the IRGC- linked Ofogh channel of the Iranian state TV saying Arghchi's views are different from those of former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif.

Shariatmadari also praised the former nuclear negotiator for what he called "not giving any concession to US negotiators during the Vienna talks" in 2014 which led to the signing of the 2015 nuclear deal. "Without him, we would have lost many things," said Shariatmadari.

Meanwhile, Iran's Former ambassador to the United Nations, Majid Takht Ravanchi has said that the situation for both Iran and the United States is different from what it was ten years ago. As far as an agreement with Iran is concerned, the US Congress will make it difficult for any government in Washington to make a deal with Tehran. Ravanchi reiterated however that in Washington only hardliners believe the Iranian regime is illegitimate and others are open to talks with Tehran.

In an open letter to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk, 285 distinguished individuals and 28 organizations have endorsed a “landmark report” by Javaid Rehman, the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran, which accuses the Islamic Republic of “ongoing crimes against humanity.”

“The Special Rapporteur’s report opens a pathway to justice and an end to impunity in Iran,” the open letter published Friday reads. “In line with his recommendations, we urge Your Excellency to use your good offices and call on the Human Rights Council to establish an international accountability mechanism to take actionable measures aimed at ending impunity for Iran’s atrocity crimes, chief among them the 1988 massacre.”

In 1988, thousands of political prisoners were summarily and extrajudicially executed on the orders of Iran’s first Supreme Leader, Rouhollah Khomeini. The precise number of those killed is unknown but estimated to be between 3,000 and 5,000, based on extensive research by human rights groups.

“The willful executioners implemented Khomeini’s fatwa in full knowledge that they were committing international crimes by systematically and deliberately murdering political prisoners all across the country in a coordinated manner,” Rehman wrote in his latest report.

Welcoming Rehman's report, the signatories of the letter have commended the former special rapporteur for challenging the “culture of impunity in Iran” by affirming that the 1988 massacre constitutes “ongoing crimes against humanity.”

Signatories of the open letter to the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights include the Presidents of the International Bar Association (IBA), the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), and the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), and the Secretary General of the World Organization Against Torture (OMCT).

“In light of the Special Rapporteur’s landmark report, we also encourage the co-sponsors of the Canadian-led annual UN Third Committee resolution on Iran to include a specific reference to the 1988 massacre in this year’s resolution to meaningfully counter the ongoing culture of impunity in Iran,” they write in their letter.

Iran has never acknowledged that such crimes were committed and have even prosecuted those seeking justice. No official of any rank has ever been investigated, let alone tried, in relation to the 1988 massacre in Iran.

The only person to have ever stood trial for the killings is Hamid Nouri, a former prison official arrested in Sweden. In 2022, a court in Stockholm sentenced Nouri to life in prison for his role in the 1988 mass executions in Iran. The court found him guilty of “grave breaches of international humanitarian law and murder.”

Nouri's conviction was deemed a landmark victory for those Iranians who had sought truth and justice for more than three decades. However, in June 2024, the Swedish government extradited Nouri to Iran in exchange for the release of two of its citizens that were prisoned in Iran.