Khamenei Meets Cherrypicked Baluchis In Bid To Calm Tensions

In a joint statement, activist groups such as Simorgh, Six Colors, the Iranian Rainbow Coalition, and the Queer Rights Group claim that the current revolutionary wave holds the potential to secure the liberation and equality of the rainbow community in Iran, marking the end of centuries of discrimination and prejudice, including to the country's LGBTQ community.

They have called on political and social groups, both within and outside of Iran, to join in anti-regime protests.

Since the inception of the Women, Life, Freedom uprising, the Iranian LGBTQ community has been at the forefront, articulating their vision for a post-Islamic Republic Iran through active participation in both domestic and international protests.

Despite the many challenges faced by LGBTQ individuals in Iran, they continue to confront dangers, including the risk of execution and other forms of punishment under the laws of the Islamic Republic.

Iranian authorities have resorted to derogatory labels and stigmatization when addressing LGBTQ citizens, referring to them as "deviant" and "sick", same sex relations forbidden in Islamic laws.

The development follows a consistent trend of internet restrictions within Iran, with the government exerting more pressure to quash anti-regime sentiment online, particularly relating to raising momentum for further protests in the coming days as the anniversary of Mahsa Amini's death nears.

Over the past two decades, Iran has imposed strict censorship measures on internet access, limiting citizens' ability to freely obtain information. This encompasses the blocking of numerous foreign and domestic websites, including reputable news outlets. However, these restrictions have been circumvented through the widespread use of Virtual Private Networks (VPNs) and anti-filtering software.

Recent months have witnessed a more aggressive push by hardliners in the Iranian parliament to ratify legislation that would further restrict access to social media and the internet. Additionally, reports have circulated regarding plans to launch a domestic intranet, enabling authorities to exercise greater supervision over its content.

The parliament is expected to vote soon on a draft law that was crafted to increase a variety of punishments for women who appear in public without observing the full requirements of the government dress code. The measures include hefty cash fines, denial of public services to women without hijab, and even prison for repeat offenders.

Abdol-Hossein Khosropanah secretary of the Islamic Republic’s Supreme Cultural Council said Saturday that hijab serves the interests of the Islamic society and “the Muslim ruler” must make it mandatory.

Many Iranian women have stopped wearing the hijab after nationwide protests following Mahsa Amini’s death in the custody of the morality police in September 2022.

For a few months, authorities did not act against the phenomenon, afraid of inflaming the public and triggering more protests. However, since January they have begun a full campaign to enforce the dress code. Parliament’s draft law is the latest measure to force women to wear the hijab.

Many clerics and hardline members and supporters of the regime argue that the fate of the Islamic Republic depends on enforcing hijab, and if women are allowed to act as they wish it would weaken the foundations of clerical rule.

Iran International sources report that regime agents have set up nighttime checkpoints amid a significant buildup of security forces in city centers.

These measures include enhanced protection for government buildings, a substantial increase in law enforcement personnel, and plainclothes motorcycle patrols, according to eyewitness accounts.

The regime has also erected numerous banners in major city centers warning citizens of severe penalties for dress code violations, seemingly as a deliberate effort to instill fear and discourage potential protests.

100%

Last year's brutal crackdown by the regime during the protests following Amini's death, resulted in the deaths of over 500 civilians, with thousands more sustaining injuries and tens of thousands imprisoned.

Despite the intensified intimidation campaign, several calls for protests and strikes have been issued online by major dissident figures and groups. In a joint statement, eight labor and civil organizations reaffirmed their commitment to keeping the revolutionary movement ignited by the death of Mahsa Jina Amini in police custody. They called upon the people to take to the streets, launch strikes, and hold gatherings on her death anniversary on September 16.

The group of eight organization referred to the anniversary protests as an opportunity for a "fresh start" in the course of the revolutionary movement, stating, "With the strength of our struggle, we will turn the anniversary of the Women, Life, Freedom movement into our annual public holiday."

The signatories of the statement include the Council for Organizing Contract Workers' Protests in the Oil Industry, the Association of Electricity and Metalworkers in Kermanshah, the Follow-up Committee for Workers' Associations, and the Independent Voice of Steel Workers.

A few days after a call for action by Iran's exiled prince Reza Pahlavi, who has become a leading opposition figure in the current wave of protests, exiled Queen Farah Pahlavi seconded the call for Iranians to unite against the regime.

The queen also urged Iran's security and military forces not to stand against the people and protect the lives of protesters against the regime's suppression apparatus. Pahlavi hailed Mahsa Amini as a symbol for all those who over the past 44 years have strived to weaken religious tyranny and redress the setbacks inflicted on the country by the Islamic Republic, stating, "This shared pain is our commitment to achieving a common cure."

Calls for national rallies on the anniversary of protests have rekindled the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement, which also embodies popular anger against poverty and various forms of discrimination, particularly gender-based and sexual discrimination, for over four decades.

For several months, the Supreme National Security Council has convened various meetings to prepare for potential public protests on the anniversary of the people's uprising. These meetings have led to the detention of family members of activists and political figures. However, the regime has yet to officially disclose the exact number of detainees, their charges, detention locations, or the authorities responsible for the detentions.

Nevertheless, according to the Human Rights Organization Hengaw, at least 70 family members of detainees, including nine children under the age of 18, have been arrested in various cities since the beginning of this year (March 22).

Based on information obtained by Iran International, security entities have also summoned some participants of last year's protests and are harassing the families of dead protesters to discourage them from partaking in protests.

These individuals have been pressured to remain in their homes during the week that coincides with September 16. Intelligence agencies have issued warnings that engagement in "any kind of activity in the virtual or public space" during the period will result in detention.

However, as noted in a Khabar Online report, also carried by a few other Iranian websites, the Raisi administration at times appears to be a blend of Ahmadinejad's ideas with his reformist predecessor Mohammad Khatami's slogans. The part of the Raisi administration's discourse which is reminiscent of President Khatami's rhetoric is Raisi's frequent allusions to the ideas of Justice and Republic, Khabar Online wrote.

Apart from his political and economic failures, the report maintained that Raisi's attempt to create a new or copied discourse has also failed, though not entirely due to his actions. The idea of a Republic in Iran has been torpedoed by the government's intervention in elections and its undermining of the role of elected bodies such as the parliament and the Assembly of Experts that was supposed to control the Supreme Leader's behavior.

Nonetheless, the Strategic Studies Center, a research body that operates under the President’s Office published a magazine at the end of the first year of Raisi's presidency to outline his discourse. However, the publication did not grab any attention, as all discussions at the time and later were focused on the government's inefficiency and its failure to sort out domestic and foreign problems.

The publication, according to Khabar Online, aimed to emulate what political scientists and economists had compiled to define President Khatami's discourse. However, some of Iranian academics said openly that real progress under President Raisi was way below the level of the discourse. Nonetheless, what Raisi's men put together also used Ahmadinejad's populist rhetoric.

100%

Conservative analyst Nasser Imani pointed out that what Raisi's aides assembled as his discourse does not align with his behavior and his government's performance. Imani pointed out that the government's overall performance, marked by the infiltration of fake revolutionaries in the government. Imani even pointed out the "paradoxical conflict" between Raisi's performance and the ideas of justice and republican principles. This, he said makes Raisi's statements hard to believe.

Meanwhile, in an interview with Rouydad24, Morteza Ezzati, an academic at the Teachers Training University in Tehran remarked that "The Raisi administration is incapable of detecting the country's problems and making decisions to solve them." Referring to the ill-defined ideals and discourse of the administration, Ezzati added, "No ideal is significant enough for which the government could put pressure on the people."

Ezzati further suggested that infiltrators who do not wish for the country's current situation to improve exacerbate the situation to prevent an agreement between Iran and the West that could help end the country’s economic crisis. He views the presence of infiltrators in the government as the most likely explanation for the current political impasse and economic crisis.

Explaining the impact of ultraconservatives on Iranian society and the country's international relations, Ezzati gave the example of advocates of BRICS as a substitute for a nuclear deal with West. He pointed out, "BRICS is an agreement between governments, but it cannot reduce the impact of sanctions because sanctions are not imposed by the private sector. With or without BRICS, any entity in China trying to engage in further trade with Iran will inevitably come under US sanctions."

He reiterated, "The obstacles to trade will be eliminated only with the coming to power of a government in Iran that attaches a high priority to coming to terms with the international order." On the other hand, he argued that "current decision-makers in Iran cannot make decisions that can overcome the economic impasse by ending the sanctions."

Ezzati concluded by stating, "Raisi's government is not capable of advancing a dialogue to secure Iran's interests because it cannot make decisions. However, under excessive pressure, it may take negotiations seriously."